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 聯合晚報的報導只擷取TIME前半段對於台灣報導相關事情的陳述,但是對於肯定與為陳水扁抱屈以及呼籲應該給予阿扁機會的結論完全不談。 TIME其中文章更強調陳水扁的當選化解了省籍衝突,其中也談到國會多數黨的國民黨將黨的利益凌駕在國家利益之上等等,但是聯合晚報對於這些重點完全不提。 聯合晚報惡意斷章取義,意圖製造貶扁的新聞,居心叵測,實在令人不齒。  以下為原文及翻譯和網友轉載的聯晚報導  _____________________ TIME 原文: TIME (OCTOBER 30, 2000
                VOL. 156 NO. 17 )  Give This Guy a Break!Critics have been too hasty in declaring Chen
                Shui-bian's tenure a
 failure
 By SIN-MING SHAW  Chinese premier Zhu
                Rongji once called Chen Shui-bian's presidency a"joke." Outside China, conventional
                wisdom increasingly seems to agree.
 Since Chen's election in March,
 Taiwan's stock market has plunged by more than
                30%, a slide that pundits
 say represents a vote of "no
                confidence" in the President's abilities.
 Chen's approval rating, meanwhile, has fallen to
                less than 40%, from a
 high of 77%. His Premier, Tang Fei, resigned
                after less than half a year
 in office.
 Chen is taking heat for
                everything. The economy is in thedoldrums. A banking crisis is looming as problem
                loans pile up.
 The delicate relationship with Beijing has
                stalled, and no one
 can control the Vice President, Annette Lu, who
                pokes China in
 the eye at every opportunity. (In an official
                report, Beijing
 recently called the Taiwan situation
                "grim.") All of this adds up
 to a sense that Chen has squandered the promise
                of his election,
 an opinion shared, apparently, by his close
                adviser, Lee
 Yuan-tseh. A Nobel laureate, Lee said recently
                that the
 President "talked too much without giving
                the people a clear
 direction where he was going."
 So is Chen toast? Is his
                presidency a disaster? Not at all. Theslump in Taiwan stocks has more to do with global
                worries over
 the declining earnings of semiconductor companies
                than with
 Chen. Taiwan's stock-market index is packed with
                technology
 stocks; so is NASDAQ in the U.S., which has also
                dramatically
 declined since March. The market is simply saying
                that if
 Silicon Valley isn't doing well, neither should
                Taiwan's tech
 stocks.
 On the political front,
                it's true that Chen's minority DemocraticProgressive Party (DPP) has been slow to get up
                to speed. One
 reason for that is the Kuomintang (KMT), the
                DPP's rival, which
 dominates the legislature and has tended to put
                partisan interests
 above those of the nation. But the DPP's
                emergence as Taiwan's
 ruling party has already helped heal the most
                divisive social and
 political wound on the island: the rift between
 Fujian-dialect-speaking locals and the
                Mandarin-speaking
 mainlanders who have dominated local politics for
                a
 half-century. The topic of schism is no longer in
                prominent in
 public discourse.
 As for the economy,
                Taiwan does indeed face serious problems.But Chen hasn't been idle. In a departure from
                past KMT
 policies, Chen is promoting bank mergers to help
                shore up the
 weakest institutions. And he says he will lift
                many restrictions
 on foreign banks wishing to compete in Taiwan.
                Although
 capital is still over-regulated, the question is
                no longer whether
 financial reforms will come, but when and to what
                degree.
 Chen is waffling on some
                economic issues. But his hesitance isoften understandable. Taiwan, like many other
                places, is
 grappling with a dual economy: one part is old,
                inward-looking
 and inefficient; the other is new,
                know-ledge-intensive and
 globally competitive. By letting the New Taiwan
                dollar find its
 own, lower level and by lifting regulations
                governing capital
 lows to China, Chen could encourage Old Economy
 companies to revive themselves by relocating to
                the mainland.
 But China isn't making it easy. Beijing recently
                said it would
 take stock of the political views of potential
                investors from
 Taiwan, particularly their level of support for
                Chen's DPP. The
 threat was later quietly dropped, but a sense of
                uncertainty had
 been sown. The reality is that both sides need
                each other. It is
 China, not Taiwan, that could face devastating
                unemployment
 after joining the World Trade Organization.
 Is Chen handling the
                cross-Strait relationship well? Beijingclearly does not think so. But by now, even the
                mainland's most
 stubborn hawks must know that war against Taiwan
                is a
 non-starter: it's impossible to define victory in
                any way that
 makes sense.
 Chen said recently he
                was proud to be a Chinese, a signal toBeijing that he is willing to be conciliatory.
                The communists,
 however, apparently want him to genuflect more
 unambiguously. China should know that putting a
                timetable on
 reunification is unwise as long as Taiwan's
                people are not ready
 for it. Chen knows his constituency better than
                Beijing and is
 calculating that he needs to proceed slowly. Chen
                can do better
 at his job, yes, but during his first six months
                in office he has
 not done badly. In the U.S., Bill Clinton didn't
                exactly light up
 the scoreboard in his first two years, but his
                performance
 improved considerably. Give Chen a chance. The
                conventional
 view about him is simply unfair.
 Sin-ming Shaw is a
                visiting scholar at the FairbankCenter for East Asian Research at Harvard
                University
 __________________________ 感謝網友cpchuu協助翻譯,以及網友kika協助訂正。
                 TIME
                原文中文翻譯:  中國總理朱鎔基曾稱陳水扁當選總統為兒戲。在中國境外,傳統的觀點似乎逐漸認同這句話。因為自從陳在三月選上後,股市跌了30%,自認權威的人說這樣的(股市)跌幅代表了人民對陳水扁的能力投下不信任票。對陳總統的信任度調查也從77%掉到40%,他的行政院長唐飛在任職不到半年就辭職了。
                 陳的所做所為已逐漸引遭人垢病,經濟低靡不振,有問題的貸款愈來愈多使銀行可能逐漸產生極大的問題。
                 和北京的微妙關係變得進退維谷,而無時無刻不在刺痛中國的副總統呂秀蓮也沒人能駕馭得了。北京最近一份正式的報告稱台灣的現況為"令人十分不悅的",這一切得到的結論是陳浪費了他和諾貝爾獎得主李遠哲共同給的選舉承諾。李遠哲最近說總統話講得太多,卻沒有給人民一個清楚的方向他要往哪裡走。
                 陳真的是一個任意擺布的人嗎?他當總統真的是個大災難嗎?一點也不!台灣股市的下跌與全球半導體公司收入減少的關係遠大於和陳的關係。台灣股市的指標和科技股很有關係,美國的NASDAQ指數也一樣,NASDAQ也一樣跌得驚人。股市的表現只是說明了若矽谷表現並不理想,台灣的股市也不會好到哪去。
                 就政治來說,陳所代表的少數黨民主進步黨上軌上得很慢,其中一個原因是因為民進黨的競爭者國民黨不但在立法院佔多數,且把黨的利益擺在國家利益之上。
                 民主進步黨脫穎而出成為執政黨已幫忙治癒了這島上最主要社會的不合和政治的傷口,意即閩南語為母語的本省人和以官方中文為母語的外省人之間的對立。外省人擁有政治主導權長達半世紀,如今(省籍)分化的問題已不再是政治議題的重心。
                 在經濟上來說,台灣的確驗臨很嚴重的問題。但陳也沒有閒著,與國民黨過去的政策不同,陳答應合併的銀行會協助最弱的機構。他並說他將對想和台灣競爭的外國銀行放寬限制。雖說資金依然被過度控制,但經濟的問題已不是會不會改善,而是何時改善和改善到何種程度。
                 陳總是閒談一些經濟議題,但他的猶豫不決是可以瞭解的,因為台灣像許多其他地方一樣有兩種經濟在互相競爭,一種是古老的封閉而沒效率的(傳統產業),另一種是新的,有知識性的,有全球競爭力的(高科技產業)。透過讓新台幣找到他該有的低價位和提升對流入中國的資金的控制,陳鼓勵傳統產業藉著轉移到大陸投資而尋回生機。 但中國不會這麼善罷干休,北京近來表示它江對台灣到中國的投資者的政治立場作考量尤其是對陳的民進黨支持的程度,這威脅很快就停止了,但一種不確定感因此散播開來。事情的真相是(中國和台灣)兩邊都需要彼此,加入世界貿易組織(WTO)
                 ,加入後可能面臨高失業率的是中國,而不是台灣。
                 陳兩岸關係處理得好嗎?很明顯的北京覺得並不好。但現在,即使中國大陸最頑固的鷹派都必需知道對台灣發動戰爭是沒有成功希望的。因為這不論從什麼方面來講都不能定義為勝利。
                 陳最近說他以身為華人為榮,這是一種向北京表示善意的訊息,但共產黨顯然要他更不模棱兩可地屈膝跪拜。中國應該要知道,在台灣人民還沒準備好接受統一前,就對統一設定時間表是很不智的。陳對他的擁護者瞭解的比北京還多,所以他盤算事情需要慢慢進展。陳當然可以做的更好,但他在他任期最初的六個月表現的也並不差。 科林頓在當美國總統的前兩年表現並不出色,但他的進步是有目共睹的。給陳一個機會吧!以傳統的評價來看陳是不公平的!
                 作者舒新明(音譯)是哈佛大學Fairbank中心東亞研究的訪問學者 _______________ 轉載23日聯合晚報 繼318、520之後,陳水扁總統最近再度成為國際媒體話題人物。 只不過半年前,國際媒體曾爭相以醒目版面報導台灣大選的歷史性結果,例如「台灣之子打敗百年老店」、「2100萬人跨入民主新世紀」……。曾幾何時,阿扁在國際輿論上的評價亦如近幾月來的台股走勢般,開高走低。 包括時代雜誌及遠東經濟評論都對台灣經濟問題、核四、兩岸政策提出疑慮,甚至對陳水扁個人施政風格也提出質疑。 時代雜誌報導,台灣過去也曾面臨政治危機,但這回碰上的挑戰卻截然不同。1949年以來台灣首次政權交替,許多選民寄望陳水扁能帶來新局面,但幾個月過後,扁政權的不確定性、許多開出卻無法兌現的競選支票,及波動不安的金融市場,卻讓民眾及投資人大失所望。 時代雜誌及遠東經濟評論均認為,唐飛下台後台灣政黨合作必然更加困難,要取得中共信任也更為不易。遠東經濟評論說,國會衝突可能每下愈況,直到明年底立委選舉前,情勢都難以好轉此外,新政府除各吹各調、口徑不一外,阿扁八面玲瓏的個人風格也讓整體施政充滿不確定性,予人口惠而實不至之感。 核四續建與否,是國際對台施政信心另一重大指標。時代雜誌引
                述知名投資機構摩根添惠報告,阿扁就任以來外資已出走百億美元;未來若核四不建,新政府又提不出具體替代方案、無法保證
                2005年後亦不缺電,國際投資人將對扁政府再投不信任票。 經濟問題,是扁政府面臨的另一挑戰。時代雜誌提到,台灣高科
                技產業已受國際市場衝擊,傳統產業景氣更不見好轉,高雄地區新成屋空屋率高達90%,產業面危機連帶影響銀行資產品質,金融
                機構不良資產是未來經濟發展最大隱憂。 遠東經濟評論更直言,除非阿扁能展現更成熟的領導風範、拋棄
                短線政治思考模式,否則台灣經濟優勢很可能在政壇危機中消磨殆盡;原先令人振奮的民主化範例,反成國際笑柄。 __________ 〈進入討論區〉 |