紐約時報April 25, 2001

People in Streets of Taiwan Are Underwhelmed by Arms Sales

By MARK LANDLER

TAIPEI, Taiwan, April 24 ?Politicians here expressed satisfaction today at the menu of weapons being offered to Taiwan by the United States. But on the streets of the capital there was little response to a decision that had been anticipated with hope and worry.

In part, that is because there were few surprises: people expected President Bush to defer the sale of the Aegis combat radar system, while offering Taiwan many other items on its shopping list.

But beyond that, the military hardware issue is less momentous today than it would have been a few years ago. With capital flowing from this island's sputtering economy to a booming China at an accelerating rate, Taiwan's giant neighbor suddenly seems more of a threat commercially than militarily.

"Five years ago political tensions animated the relationship between Taiwan and China," said Yang Chao, editor of The Journalist, a magazine about politics. "But now Taiwanese people feel the existence of mainland China, almost physically, by the weight of the trade relationship."

This has left people feeling vulnerable, not to an assault by Chinese ships or troops, but to the pressure of doing business with an emerging economic powerhouse. American-made destroyers cannot prevent companies in Taiwan from building chip factories outside Shanghai.

"As long as China is not shooting missiles at us, there is a tendency to view it as an economic opportunity," said Wu Yu-shan, a political science professor at National Taiwan University. "The problem is that companies now believe that you have to invest outside Taiwan to survive."

The flow of investment to China coincides with a painful economic slowdown here. Exports are falling, output is slowing and the unemployment rate of nearly 4 percent is at its highest level since 1985. That has made Taiwan's many small-time stock traders extremely nervous.

"We don't really care which weapons the U.S. sells Taiwan," said Wei Chi-jiang, who was trading shares at a retail brokerage here. "What we care about is China's reaction. Almost all of Taiwan's investment has shifted to the mainland, so we really care about how they react."

Mr. Wei's comments were echoed by his fellow stock traders. Noting that Taiwan's leading companies have huge investments in China, they said it was more important to preserve the status quo than beef up Taiwan's security. Several expressed relief that Mr. Bush had not offered to sell their military the Aegis system because it would have provoked China.

"The U.S. shouldn't sell overly advanced weapons to Taiwan," said Joe Chao, a theater owner. "That could be terribly dangerous."

Mr. Chao said the issue was especially sensitive because of the election last year of Chen Shui-bian as Taiwan's president. The Chinese government is deeply suspicious of Mr. Chen, a longtime opposition leader, because his party formally espouses independence for Taiwan, which Beijing views as rightfully a part of China.

"It might be O.K. to sell weapons to a K.M.T. government," Mr. Chao said, using the initials for the Kuomintang, the Chinese name of the Nationalist Party, which ruled Taiwan before Mr. Chen took office. "But China doesn't think this government is stable."

Such views are common among business people. But the ties between Taiwan and the mainland extend beyond commerce. Tourists from Taiwan are streaming into the mainland, as are graduate students eager to study literature, economics and Chinese medicine at universities there.

"Many of my former students are now at Beida," said Professor Wu, using the nickname for Beijing University. "These are the kinds of societal links that are being forged, even as the political tension remains."

Professor Wu noted, though, that the muted reaction to the American decision was somewhat misleading. If the White House had suspended or radically scaled back the weapons program, he said, it would have been a rude shock to an island that depends on Washington to protect it.

Indeed, several people said they believed that Mr. Bush was likely to be more supportive of Taiwan than the Clinton administration simply because he had offered a more formidable array of weapons.

"It's good news," said Ling Shiang-shing, 36, an insurance saleswoman. "I'm glad that someone is willing to sell weapons to us."

President Chen has so far declined to comment on the decision. But members of his Democratic Progressive Party said it would raise the sagging confidence of investors ?perhaps even persuading them keep their money here.

"The local business community can feel that the U.S. stands behind us," said Parris Chang, a former adviser to Mr. Chen on security issues. "That kind of confidence may stem the flow of capital to China."

Dear Editor,

Your article, People in Streets of Taiwan Are Underwhelmed by Arms Sales, on April 25, indicated some local opinions believed military tension between Taiwan Strait has lessen through tighter trade relationship between both sides. As a result, Taiwanese are no longer concerned with possible military attacks from China. As a citizen of Taiwan, I must express my deepest disagreement with those viewpoint which by no means represents the majority of fellow Taiwanese.

Over the past few years, we have to endure constantly military aggressiveness from China including, but not limited to, firing missiles just a few miles from our coast. Being a novice on military weapon, many Taiwanese like myself may not know what constitutes a good system for our own self-defense. Nevertheless, our desire and need to defend ourselves can only grow stronger by the China's aggressiveness in the recent US surveillance plane incidence.

我已經將mail寄出去了

My friend who is in Taiwan wrote a letter to New York Times as following:

RE: People in Streets of Taiwan Are Underwhelmed by Arms Sales
By MARK LANDLER

Dear Editor,
We, a group of people from Taiwan, as most of our fellow country people, applaud for the recent US arm sale and the support expressed by Bush government to Taiwan, we feel the article in question fails to accurately represent the view of the majority, and is dangerously misleading to the people around the world about the relationship between Taiwan and China.

In fact, most Taiwanese people do feel the existence of Mainland China, yes, almost physically, but by the weight of the daily military threatens to Taiwan rather than the trade relationship. Tourism and economy reason do not make Japan and Korea,or US and China a country just like they would not make Taiwan and China a country---as China and some Taiwan politicians openly wishes. Thus, in reality the political tension is still as tight as ever, the fundamental difference exists, if China remains a communist country, the chance of unification that they hope is slim, and if they refuses to give up the possibility of occupying Taiwan by force, Taiwan understandably would be forced to purchase more weapons for national security. Therefore, the arm sale to Taiwan is not dangerous, but a prevention to the real danger.

According to Mr. MARK LANDLER’s article some stock traders in Taiwan expressed that they only cared about China’s reaction about the arm sale and thought compromising national security for investment was more important. We have to ask Mr. MARK LANDLER, do you really believe most Taiwan people think that way? The answer should be very clear and I am glad to assure you that those stock traders mentioned may be willing to trade Taiwan’s national security for their gains, but most Taiwan people know freedom and democracy are priceless and are cheered that US offer stronger and firmer support to Taiwan even with China’s opposition.

As the insiders and locals in Taiwan, we would like to let our foreign friends know that the majority prefers to go separate paths with China. This is very evident in almost all kinds of surveys. When writing about Taiwan vs. China, we think it would be more helpful to refer to this kind of information instead of making assumptions from the interviews of a few people. Or you should at least conduct a poll like the media always do in America to back up your report.

Thank you for caring and helping Taiwan people to defend for freedom and democracy.

Best regards,

Chinese Americans' views on Bush's remarks vary widely

Ryan Kim, Vanessa Hua, Chronicle Staff Writers Thursday, April 26, 2001

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

To Alan Chen, President Bush's pledge yesterday to protect Taiwan from attacks by China brings hope for peace and stability.

"It carries a loud and clear message to Chinese leaders not to build up its armed forces and push around neighboring countries," said Chen, 55, of Palo Alto.

But the viewpoint of Chen, an aerospace engineer who emigrated from the island of Taiwan in 1970, is only one of many held by Bay Area Chinese Americans.

"It's a very foolish move on the part of Bush," said Lester Lee, chairman of Chinese for Peaceful Unification of Northern California. "He should have said to China, 'Let's draw a line: If you promise not to invade Taiwan, I won't sell weapons and escalate the conflict.' "

The sharply differing takes offered yesterday underscore a long-held rift within the Chinese American community. At issue is whether Bush's statement will encourage a declaration of independence by the island, which China regards as a renegade province.

The situation has far-reaching implications for many immigrants who might still have relatives in that part of the world or who are simply concerned about the potential for war.

Many Bay Area Taiwanese residents were glad to see Bush strengthen the United States' commitment to Taiwan. They hope the United States will back those words up if China makes aggressive moves toward Taiwan.

"A lot of the time, (China) tries to test how much the U.S. can endure," said Kuor-Hsin Chang, 40, of Sunnyvale. The wireless communications engineer is president of the Northern California chapter of Formosan Association for Public Affairs. "So this is important for the United States to be steadfast about this."

But Lee, a former University of California regent, said that by selling arms to Taiwan and stating the United States will help defend Taiwan, Bush is prompting China to toughen its military stance, in effect creating a new Cold War.

He said, however, many U.S. presidents have come into office talking tough about China only to soften their position in later years. He said he hopes Bush will do the same.

"Bush is still thinking that by supporting Taiwan you can neutralize the situation over there," said Lee. "It's like saying, 'I'll up the ante.' But the other side has the ability to up the ante, too. The resulting escalation is not what we want."

Not all people from Taiwan oppose unification with China. But some say any union would be predicated on China becoming a democracy.

"I don't believe in the boundary of the nations," said Fang Tze-Yuan, 30, a San Jose semiconductor engineer. "But it depends on what mainland China could do, to believe in human rights and democratic policy."

Opinion among even Taiwanese Americans remains divided, in part because of the different waves of immigration to the island from mainland China.

Hundreds of years ago, southern Chinese immigrated to Taiwan. Then, in 1949,

members of the Nationalist Party fled to Taiwan after their defeat by the communists. That regime ruled Taiwan, maintaining it was the true government of China and would someday reunify with the mainland. The two groups have clashed over the years, often disputing whether the country was sovereign or should unify with China.

The growing tension has been a hot topic of conversation in the Bay Area, dominating local ethnic media outlets and e-mail traffic. While considerable disagreement exists between many former Taiwanese residents and immigrants from the mainland, the friction is not nearly as bad as it was decades ago

During the 1970s and early '80s, Bay Area protests by either side often turned physical when dissenters crashed the events.

Time and increased interaction within the Chinese American community have caused some to put aside their fists in favor of calmer communication. Guobin Chao, a Mountain View entrepreneur, organized the Cross Strait Forum a year ago to bring people together on both sides of the issue.

He said the group, which last met Tuesday night, has been successful in bringing the Chinese American community closer together on this issue.

"There are still people who are for Taiwanese independence, but they come out of respect for the spirit of the forum," said Chao. "More and more people would like to exchange opinions rather than fight."

While Chao promotes an unbiased forum, he personally favors unification. He said he is troubled by the recent developments in the Taiwan Strait and hopes the United States will step away from the situation.

"I'm against any sales of any arms to Taiwan, and I'm against any involvement of the U.S. in this cross-strait relationship," said Chao. "It's an internal Chinese issue."

While both factions continue to disagree, local Chinese Americans are united in the hope that the standoff will not escalate to war.

"I definitely hope any situation doesn't go to war," said Whisky Ho, principal at Fremont Chinese School. "That's a priority."

Re: People in Streets of Taiwan are underwhelmed by Arms Sales
By Mark Landler 4/24/01

Dear Mr. Mark,

As a long time patron of NY Times because of its diversified, in-depth and most of all the unpartial reporting, I was quite disappinted by your recent report on the response of the Arms Sales to Taiwan.

Those people you have interviewed, do represent part of the viewpoints on the issue and not to be ignored. However, you failed to represent views of the other side (considerable majority). As a reporter, you surely recognize the impact of the message you are trying to deliver, hence the duty of objective representation.

Taiwan is a very small island, we are handicapped geographically, politically.and military wise. With the constant missle threats from China, we have very little leverage to maneuver. Arms sales of any scale is not critical to us, what really matters is the "support", whether tangible or untangible,from the U.S. or any other countries that are willing to come to the aid. We need it to keep our hard earned democracy going. Our efforts to combat the evil force across the strait need to be addressed.

I kindly suggest that you spend some time with people who fought long and hard for the democracy we now enjoying, not just people who cares only about their personal interst,people who only do lip service, dance along with the Communist Regime, and viciously attempt to downplay the progress we have made so far.

I can not over emphasize the significance of media reporting, the magnitude of its outcome, your standpoint matters! Now, I am not asking you to lean to the other side, I am only asking you to be more objective and conscious with the representation in your article.

I would appreciate your response to my comment, thank you.

註: 美國國內"親中"派政客和分析家認為觸怒中國對美國損失很大, Mark Landler這篇有潑布希冷水之嫌.

Dear Editor,

I am writing in response to your article, People in Streets of Taiwan Are Underwhelmed by Arms Sales, by Mr. Landler on April 25. Though I agreed viewpoints described therein could exist, it is undoubtably wrong and bias to think them the representative of public opinions in Taiwan.

Taiwanese have long been under constant threat from China. They range from intimidating military exercise off our coast, political threats to the diplomatic isolation. Enhanced trade relation does little to improve human right in China. Over the years, disregard on democracy in China has made Taiwan and China further apart. The threat of forceful unification by Chinese regime has made our need in self-defense indispensable. The fact that closer trade tie across Strait only rendered more Taiwanese businessmen and tourists murdered in China without serious investigation by Chinese law enforcement, would only make us more determined to acquire sufficient defense system against Chinese military buildups.

Rgds., Mark Landler

從他的報導和回應中顯示他對臺灣的政治生態並非陌生，而論及政治立場與黨派在
臺灣內部對於軍售案最關注的並非傾獨派或政府〈他們一直相形儘量低調〉，最關
注的正是統派〈雖然他們期待的方向是相反的〉，這完全可以從軍售項目揭曉後他
們的驚恐反應得到證明。

再則就算論及一般百姓，Mark Landler訪問的生意人不也是有在擔憂其在中國的生意
會受影響嗎？因此即令退一步說這不也證明Underwhelmed的標題是錯誤的。

然而就算與中國有關的生意人他們對軍售〝關注〞〈他的報導證明的就是有〝關注〞
〉方向是與政府相反，但這些人可以代表臺灣人或〝People in Streets of Taiwan 〞嗎？

簡單的常識，如果認知到中國對臺灣的軍事威脅是存在的人，如果無其他因素〈政
治或生意〉沒有理由會不樂見到臺灣防衛力量的提昇的。

有經濟問題存在並不能表示沒有其他問題存在，關心經濟問題並不證明不能同時關
心其他問題，美國經濟問題不也更嚴重可別告訴我美國人毫不在意其他問題。

Thank you for your quick reply. I agree that an issue
as complex as this cannot be condensed into a short
article. However most Taiwanese's feel China is a
threat to thier political and economic freedoms,
indeed the economic issue is very urgent to most
people. I cannot stress enough that the voice of
people in Taiwan should be heard and understood
clearly around the world. You stated that most
Taiwanese put ecomomic issues first, but I know of
many Taiwanese nationals who are very excited about
the arms sale, and have lost many nights sleep
worrying over the fate of the arms sale.

The results of the election will impact daily life
immediately, the news media will ensure there's no
escape from this fact. Arm sales on the other hand
will not have an immediate effect, but it affect the
Taiwanese people in profound ways, be it sublte and
harder to quantify. I do not think it fair to compare
between the two and use that as your conclusion.

The Newspaper is such a powerful tool and I do not
want to see wrong message sent to the US people who
have been very supportive to Taiwan rescently. We
appreciate the friendship and support from the
American public.

Just out of my personal curiosity, are you based in
Taipei? Can you speak mandarin? You quoted things
from Yang Chao who is a controversial figure and is
still in a law suit for fabricating news which
ultimately trash other person's reputation. I do not
think he has the credibility to represent Taiwanese
people.

Please feel free to contact me if you would like to
know more information from a different view. I am not
a member of DPP and do not belong to any political
party. I am just a peson who love the home where she
is from. Thank you for your attention.

台灣最急切的是民眾是否決心為己而戰
[ 2001/5/2, 馬非白 ]

英國金融時報五月一日在一篇報導分析中說，雖然美國總統布希已經對台灣表示了強烈的支持立場，但是，台灣最急切的一個問題卻是：台灣民眾究竟是否決心要為自己而戰。

　金融時報這篇從台北發出的報導，雖然採用了比較多統派人士的談話，不過，基本上，還算忠實的報導了自從布希宣布對台軍售案以來的台灣民間反應，最重要的，它所指出的這一點，確實是絕大多數台灣人所缺乏的自覺。

　根據該報的觀察，他們認為，布希最近的行動對於台灣的陳水扁總統無疑是一項鼓舞，但是這類行動仍不太可能引發台灣從而要求走向正式的獨立；因為陳水扁總統也知道台灣民眾大多還是不想為此而與中共發生對抗。

　該報訪問台灣民眾之後，引述了一些比較屬於負面的存疑性談話，其中包括：台灣民眾對美國的支持仍然持疑；有些台灣人擔心在美國與中共的棋局裡台灣可能只是一個籌碼；相信美國的支持應是有條件的；也有些台灣民眾質疑美國衛護台灣的決心等等。

　作為一個外國媒體，也許有他旁觀、冷靜的特色或立場，但有時在部分取材上不免受到接觸範圍和對象的侷限，所以，我們大致可以研判，該報記者的接觸對象應以統派立場的台灣人士居多，至少可以說他們絕少跟台灣立場較為明顯的人士接觸，因而造成該項針對布希談話的報導基調趨於消極面。

　可是，在眾多的外國媒體中，該報算是第一個提出台灣人民是不是有決心為自己而戰這個問題的媒體，這個問題對於獨立自主的國家人民應該都不會產生困擾，從外國媒體的角度來看台灣卻很輕易地就觀察到了，根據我跟一些外國媒體駐台記者接觸的經驗，他們確實對於台灣人民缺乏國家觀念有很大的興趣和困惑，台灣所發生的諸如對敵對國家的瘋狂投資和旅遊等等之類的矛盾現象，常常令他們深感不解。

　金融時報的報導充分反映了這一部分的實情，該報說，台灣內部立場分歧，許多精英階層又都擁有海外銀行帳戶和美國護照，這些情形在在凸顯了島上缺乏戰鬥意志。該報還進一步引述「國防計畫人士」的話說，他們擔心在面臨中國的飛彈攻擊或封鎖時，台灣內部可能會士氣崩潰。

　我一直以來也十分擔心這個問題，台灣的真正危機也在這裡。我們看看台灣的現況，幾乎可以相信，中國如果真的要攻取台灣，已經接近可以不用費一兵一卒、一槍一炮的程度。

　台灣的經濟命脈在有心人士的鼓吹和舊官僚有意放鬆台資前往中國的情況下，完全遭到中國的掌控；在舊國民黨的時代，有多少決策官僚喊出所謂「經濟反攻大陸」之類愚昧的話，有多少決策官僚在經濟、財金決策上刻意地鬆綁，又有多少決策官僚配合中國的統戰而故意在決策上消極不作為。

　台灣的經濟困境豈是一朝一夕造成的，看看全世界哪一個國家因為中國的經濟開放發展而驚慌失措的，看看中國週邊的哪一個國家因為中國的經濟崛起而稀哩花啦幾近於崩盤的，為什麼其他國家沒有而台灣卻慘兮兮的，不是台灣政府和企圖出賣台灣的官僚造成的又是誰？

　台灣的政治也因中國派人士徹底與中國掛勾的情況下遭到掌控；全世界哪一個國家會容許自己的政客和敵國〈即使不是敵國，至少也是每天威嚇要武攻的不友善國家〉掛勾卻能安然無事的？哪一個國家會將政客配合敵國統戰的言行說成是言論自由，還能繼續擔任國會議員的？又有哪一個國家會讓敵國官員或特定人士進入自己國內公然進行串聯的，除了台灣之外，還有哪一個國家？台灣還算是獨立自主的國家嗎？

　經過十餘年來一廂情願的所謂交流，台灣人民的心防更是徹底瓦解；當台灣自己都跟中國搞得這麼難分難捨之後，當台灣政府都放縱這麼多瓦解台灣根基的陰謀、陽謀步步成功之後，台灣人民的心防還會存在的話根本就是異數。

　台灣人民心防的瓦解，是那麼樣地清楚，難怪外國媒體要為台灣提出警訊，台灣人啊，當金融時報問你：「台灣民眾究竟是否決心要為自己而戰」時，不知道你的答案是什麼？

Taiwan harbours doubts about US military support
By Mure Dickie in Taipei

May 1 2001 04:44GMT

Shen Hsi-hsiang sips a McDonald's soft drink outside the "New York, New York" shopping mall in Taipei and waxes enthusiastic about the value of US friendship.

If Taiwan ever came to blows with mainland China, its only hope would lie in support from Washington, says Mr Shen, 68, a veteran of the Nationalist armies that were chased into exile on the island by Mao Zedong's victorious Communists in 1949.

"The US has always helped us in the past and I believe they would try to help us again," he says.

For all Mr Shen's faith, however, many in Taiwan harbour deep doubts about whether the US would really be willing to take on Beijing in the island's defence.

Such doubts linger even after the double reassurance provided by Washington last week in the form of the most impressive US arms sales offer in nearly a decade and an unprecedently forthright promise of support from George W. Bush, US president.

Asked in an interview if the US had an obligation to defend the Taiwanese against attack by China, Mr Bush said: "Yes, we do" and that Washington would do "whatever it took" to help the island defend itself.

That sounded like a firm commitment of military support for Taiwan and an end to the "strategic ambiguity" with which Washington has tried to convince Beijing that any attack on Taiwan would risk war, while making clear to Taipei that US backing is not assured.

Mr Bush's remarks were greeted with widespread enthusiasm in Taiwan but few read them to mean that full US support can be taken for granted.

"I don't think the US would send troops at all," says Yen Chen-shen, an expert in US policy at Taipei's Institute of International Relations. "When Bush says 'whatever it takes' I don't think its going to be troops - maybe logistics or air support."

No one questions that Washington has been the greatest ally of Taiwan's Republic of China government. The Nationalists would probably not have made it to the island without US help. US warships averted a Communist invasion in the 1950s and Taiwan's subsequent economic development was fuelled by US assistance. Even since it cut diplomatic ties in 1979, Washington's willingness to offer Taipei arms and international support has contrasted sharply with European reluctance to rile Beijing.

But many in Taiwan fear that the island is just a bargaining chip in the more important relationship between the world's most powerful nation and its most populous.

Such doubts are underlined by later comments by Mr Bush that military support for Taiwan was just "one option" and by his administration's insistence that its basic policy has not changed.

Continuing ambiguity will be welcomed by those who believe that keeping both sides guessing about US intentions is the best way to maintain stability in the Taiwan Strait.

Certainly, although Mr Bush's recent actions are undoubtedly a boost for Chen Shui-bian, Taiwan's president, there seems little chance they will prompt any attempt to formalise the island's de facto independence. Mr Chen put aside pro-independence rhetoric even before his election last year and has since worked hard to avoid antagonising Beijing.

Indeed, for many strategists the most pressing question is not whether the US would be willing to fight for Taiwan but whether the island would be ready to fight for itself.

Divided loyalties and the overseas bank accounts and US passports of much of Taiwan's elite added to a general lack of popular martial ardour, which makes some military planners fear morale could crumble in the face of a mainland missile attack or blockade.