美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳
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李俊達  於 2002/08/27 13:19
美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳


前往北京訪問的美國副國務卿阿米塔吉(Richard Armitage),八月二十六日分別拜會中國國家副主席胡錦濤、副總理錢其琛、外長唐家璇,同時與副外長李肇星舉行工作會談之後,晚上八點多在北京的美國大使館召開記者會時,針對《美聯社》記者提問「兩岸間的問題,應該由兩岸人去解決,為何美國對統獨要有立場?」阿米塔吉表示,「美國對統獨並無立場,我們不支持台獨,並不表示反對台獨」。美聯社記者因此從北京發出最新外電強調:「阿米塔吉針對美國的台灣政策作出『重要澄清』,美國既不支持、也不反對台灣獨立。」

又是《美聯社》!還記得二十一年前(1981年7月)的「陳文成命案」,當時《美聯社》記者周清月因為使用「驗屍」一詞,報導美國來台的檢驗小組「審視陳文成屍體」動作,被當時的新聞局長宋楚瑜下令吊銷採訪證。如果報導這則「美國副國務卿不反對台獨」新聞的美聯社記者沒有被北京當局下令禁止採訪,或許可以證明,共產黨江澤民統治下的中國確實比台灣擁有更多「新聞自由」——當然我指的是二十年前國民黨蔣經國統治下的台灣。

話說回來,美聯社記者所強調的重點,與稍後美國國務院所公佈的「阿米塔吉記者會中有關台灣議題的問答全文」,仔細比對之後,的確是「重要澄清」。阿米塔吉表現出民主國家的外交人員所應恪遵的準則——不應干涉她國內政;因而也澄清了,台灣親中統派媒體長期誤導台灣人民的印象——美國干涉、反對台灣獨立。阿米塔吉的回答是這樣的:「措詞是重要的,說『我們不支持』是一回事,這跟說『我們反對』有所不同。如果兩岸的人民達成可以接受的解決方案,美國顯然不會介入。」(引自中央社電)

從美聯社記者身處北京的忠實呈現,反觀在民主台灣的兩大親中報紙——聯合、中國報,在新聞處理上蓄意扭曲誤導讀者,恐怕已達「吊銷牌照」的標準了!

相較於《中國時報》「藏」到第十一版,卻明顯扭曲的標題「阿米塔吉:美堅持一中政策 不支持台獨」(中時編輯的鴕鳥心態令人發噱),《聯合報》頭版標題是中規中矩的「美副國務卿阿米塔吉:美不支持、不反對台獨」,然而在相關報導的第三版卻刻意採用《新華社》的報導,大標題以「胡錦濤見阿米塔吉:絕不允許搞台獨」,副標題則是「錢其琛、唐家璇接見時 也分別表態 盼美莫向台獨勢力發出錯誤信號」,有意誤導讀者:「中國領導人已向阿米塔吉的『失言』強硬表態」,配合同一版面的回應新聞「我府院黨低調 看全文再回應」,《聯合報》故意不提阿米塔吉的記者會是在會見胡、錢、唐等人之後,以「時間差」動手腳之企圖昭然若揭。

坦白說,看到聯合、中國報的編輯人員對於一則「本該如此」的報導,大費周章手忙腳亂地「滅火」,心中是同情多於憤怒。姑且不論台灣是否應繼續獨立現狀(個人尊重「統一論」者)美國不能也不應反對台灣獨立,是天經地義的事;即使被布希視為「流氓國家」的伊拉克、伊朗、北韓、利比亞…,也沒有任何一個國家能反對他們獨立,除了他們自己的人民之外。


NO:1039_1
李俊達  於 2002/08/27 13:35
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

以下是TVBS-N 的報導,可以印證《聯合報》動手腳


美副國務卿阿米塔吉:不支持不反對台獨
TVBS-N 2002/8/27 下午 12:00:46

美國副國務卿阿米塔吉昨天在北京與大陸國家副主席胡錦濤,國務院副總理錢其琛會面時,重申美國不支持台獨的立場,藉此營造出和諧的美中氣氛,以利十月下旬大陸國家主席江澤民的訪美行。不過稍晚阿米塔吉舉行記者會時,卻說出美國不支持台灣獨立不代表美國反對台灣獨立的話,這番言論立刻引發各方不同的解讀。

美國副國務卿阿米塔吉,星期天抵達中國大陸,展開為期三天的訪問行程。昨天阿米塔吉在北京與大陸國家副主席胡錦濤,國務院副總理錢其琛會面時,再次提到了陳水扁在這個月三號提出的一邊一國論,重申美國不支持台灣獨立,藉此建立十月下旬大陸國家主席江澤民訪美的和諧氣氛。

阿米塔吉此行主要目的是為江澤民十月訪美做準備,同時也就伊拉克、喀什米爾、反恐及人權問題和中方交換意見,對於華府將新疆的『東突伊斯蘭運動』列入恐怖組織名單一事,大陸方面感到相當滿意。

不過在昨天晚上八點半於美國大使館召開記者會中,當美聯社記者問到阿米塔吉關於美國對海峽兩岸的統獨問題,美國有何立場時,阿米塔吉卻說出『美國不支持台獨,也不反對台獨』的話。美聯社將這篇『不支持台獨不必然代表反對』的話,解讀為自陳總統一邊一國論以來,美國高層官員對美國台灣政策所做出最深入的評論,台灣外交部發言人張小月表示,這代表美方仍會堅持台灣關係法的精神,兩岸問題應以和平解決的基調處理。至於大陸方面,仍將重點著重在美國不支持台灣獨立的部份,認為美國不支持台獨立場沒有改變。對此,美國資深記者分析,阿米塔吉只是想表達,兩岸問題要由兩岸人民自行解決,美國不參與,但也不希望任何一方冒然掀起統獨問題,造成台海緊張。


NO:1039_2
李俊達  於 2002/08/28 10:34
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

瞧傅建中的氣極敗壞,
但美國不用「反對」的字眼,並不代表美國「不反對台獨或贊成台獨」,這點必須不能有絲毫的懷疑。

這是什麼文法?什麼道理?
《中國時報》真的急壞了!

美國對台獨的底線是「不支持」
傅建中2002.08.28  中國時報
美國副國務卿阿米塔吉在北京的記者會上,針對美國對台灣獨立的立場作了一些解釋和說明,基本上仍是「不支持台獨」,不過他也指出,美方使用的字眼有其重要性,美方所說的是「不支持」(do not support),這和說「反對」(oppose)有所不同,事實上,阿米塔吉所說的,和一九九八年柯林頓發表對台「三不政策」後,前美國在台協會理事主席卜睿哲銜命前往台北解釋所說的話是完全一致的,那時卜睿哲即促請台北注意「不支持」和「反對」不一樣,如今阿米塔吉只是舊話重提而已。
不幸的是,採訪此一新聞的美聯社記者可能不知道以上的背景,也不很清楚阿米塔吉講話的含義,以致所發電訊的導言竟是美國「既不支持,也不反對台灣獨立」。這樣的報導完全是美聯社記者的解釋,並非阿米塔吉原來的話。阿氏強調美國的用語是「不支持」,並加註說,這和說「反對」不一樣,但美聯社把這句話演繹為「既不支持也不反對台獨」(neither supports nor opposes Taiwanindependence),豈止是過度解釋,簡直是曲解或誤解了。
美國自從一九七一年七月季辛吉秘訪北京和周恩來會談以來,對台獨問題的標準答案始終是「不支持」,老季在一九七三年十一月和周恩來再度談到台獨問題時,雖曾用過「反對」的字眼,但那是指如果日本支持台獨、美國會反對。今年五月底副國防部長伍夫維茲在華府的外籍記者中心的簡報會上,也曾說過「反對台獨」的話,但那是提問的記者用了「反對」一字。
伍氏可能根據記者的用語,順勢用了個「反對」的詞彙,也可能胡錦濤訪問過後不久,雙方關係改善,而陳水扁總統接受CNN電視訪問,對台獨有露骨的表示,伍夫維茲不得不強勢表態,才用了「反對」一詞。
阿米塔吉在北京記者會上所言的好處是:美國對台獨政策的底線是「不支持」,而非「反對」,但美國不用「反對」的字眼,並不代表美國「不反對台獨或贊成台獨」,這點必須不能有絲毫的懷疑。
美國在敏感的兩岸關係上,使用的語言一向是極其嚴謹的,如同美國不說「和平統一」,而說「和平解決」,否則不就和中共一鼻孔出氣了嗎?同理,美國要說「反對台獨」,那即等於替中共幫腔了,所以只能說「不支持台獨」,方才能顯示她外交的自主性,也符合她奉行不渝的「一」中政策。


NO:1039_3
李俊達  於 2002/08/28 10:45
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

張宗智更好笑,
但對「不支持台灣獨立」與「反對台灣獨立」之間的異同,國務院官員堅不評論。

「偉大的」張記者,您倒是評論看看,「不支持台灣獨立」與「反對台灣獨立」如何變成「相同」!

越看越覺得有趣,阿米塔吉脫口而出一句「理所當然」的話,
「立即」就讓聯合中國報的記者特派員們,「中文程度」下降到剛進幼稚園。


阿米塔吉發言 美立即澄清
華盛頓記者張宗智/二十六日電
美國國務院東亞局專責發言的官員廿六日拿著美國駐北京大使館傳來的記者會全文,針對美聯社發自北京有關「美國既不支持、也不反對台灣獨立」的「美國對台政策的重大澄清」報導說,「這不是阿米塔吉的說法,美國的『一個中國』沒有改變,美國不支持台灣獨立。」在第一時間立即澄清。
正在北京訪問的美國副國務卿阿米塔吉廿六日在記者會中有關美國對「台灣獨立」持何種立場的談話,美聯社解讀為「重大澄清」;美聯社新聞稿的導言說:「美國不支持台灣獨立,也不反對台灣獨立。」
國務院表示,阿米塔吉稍早在北京有關美國對台獨問題立場的談話,完全符合美國一貫政策,那就是美國在「一個中國」政策之下,不支持台灣獨立。
但對「不支持台灣獨立」與「反對台灣獨立」之間的異同,國務院官員堅不評論。
阿米塔吉在廿六日的北京記者會上三度表明美國「不支持台獨」,最後一次並說明美國僅說「不支持」而不用「反對」的理由。
國務院發言人說,阿米塔吉的發言與美國政府長久的立場一致。他並表示,不同意美聯社報導有關阿米塔吉「對美國的台灣政策做出重要澄清」的講法。
【2002/08/28 聯合報】


NO:1039_4
KSC  於 2002/08/28 11:33
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

>>這點必須不能有絲毫的懷疑<<
夜行暗路,謊言被粉粹,心慌的傅記者,自己吹口哨壯膽自慰!

>>[第一時間立即澄清],[三度表明美國「不支持台獨」],[最後一次並說明美國僅說「不支持」而不用「反對」的理由。]<<
張宗智比中國官員還緊張.他用的語法像是中國外交部人員在跟層峰,解釋阿米塔吉的說法並沒有改變美國的『一個中國』.

奇怪,怎麼這些[台灣記者]比中國政府還著急?更在乎『一個中國』?


NO:1039_5
參不五時  於 2002/08/28 11:49
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

『美國不用「反對」的字眼,並不代表美國「不反對台獨或贊成台獨」,這點必須不能有絲毫的懷疑。 』

呵呵呵,傅建中的語病。上句說〈美國對台獨政策的底線是「不支持」,而非「反對」〉,傅大少的下句,卻成『不支持』等於『反對』。傅大少攪文筆的羅輯可是越來越盾...


NO:1039_6
路邊社  於 2002/08/28 11:53
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

說真的,統派記者前仆後繼的一再追問、一再解讀、一在演繹,不得到所要的答案不罷休,看的我都快麻痺了。統媒很清楚,台灣想走自己的路,不能沒有美國這個盟友的支持,因此這種對美方、對民眾一而再、再而三的疲勞轟炸,一來想離間台美雙方的關係,二來想鼓動台灣的反美情緒,讓台美的盟友關係受到損傷。這種為虎作倀之輩,是台灣很棘手的麻煩製造者。

NO:1039_7
簡單  於 2002/08/28 11:59
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

比較一下陳增芝的說法:

儘管台灣某媒體堅持咬定現任美國國防部副部長伍佛維茲曾經表示美國「反對」台獨。但是,事實上,伍佛維茲對此深感困擾,且公開要求「更正」,同時由國務院多次重申美國遵守一中政策,不支持台獨。無奈台灣某媒體仍是「拒絕」更正,堅持在美國真正的態度是「反對」台獨。

請教大家,台灣某媒體是哪個媒體啊?

< FONT size=4>卜睿哲與阿米塔吉

2002/08/27 21:14 陳增芝

1998年夏天,為了美國總統柯林頓在中國說出「三不」,美國在台協會理事主席兼執行理事卜睿哲,曾在台灣各大電視媒體上,出現一個很有趣的鏡頭。鏡頭上,看著台灣大小媒體追著臉色擺明不願多說的卜睿哲;但是,記者尖銳追問著「柯林頓總統說『反對』台獨…」的聲音,總算讓他停下腳步,並回身向媒體緩慢而逐字說出「請注意我的用詞,總統是說美國不支持…」。

卜睿哲當時重複柯林頓的「三不」內容,但是,他並沒有進一步說明,他之所以強調「請注意我的用詞」,其實就是想說「不支持」不能等同於「反對」。這在國際間所謂的「外交政治」辭彙,當然是有很大的差異。

簡單說,基於國際間的內政不干涉原則,對於台灣獨立的問題,無論事實上美國是如何撥打她的政治算盤,但是,基本上,就是不宜、不應也不能正面說出「支持」或「反對」的立場。因此,就政治語感來說,一句「不支持」當然就足以表明當時柯林頓政府對台灣獨立的立場。

時序進入2002年夏,美國總統已經換成共和黨的布希,美國國務院副國務卿阿米塔奇在北京,同樣面對記者追問類似的問題,他答覆說「措詞是重要的,『我們不支持』是一回事,這跟說『我們反對』有所不同」等,其實跟任職前政府柯林頓的卜睿哲,本質上是沒有什麼兩樣。

儘管台灣某媒體堅持咬定現任美國國防部副部長伍佛維茲曾經表示美國「反對」台獨。但是,事實上,伍佛維茲對此深感困擾,且公開要求「更正」,同時由國務院多次重申美國遵守一中政策,不支持台獨。無奈台灣某媒體仍是「拒絕」更正,堅持在美國真正的態度是「反對」台獨。

政治本來就有很多「可說不可做」或「可做不可說」的藝術空間。1998年柯林頓說出對台的「三個不支持」(不支持台獨、不支持兩個中國或一中一台、不支持台灣加入以主權國家為主體的國際組織),之所以讓北京「亢奮」;台灣「錯愕」,反面而言,正突顯這有別於美國過去政治態度的事實。

美中建交後,如果說,柯林頓的「三不」談話,可說是對華政策中,向中國傾斜的最高峰;那麼,小布希總統上任後的「不惜武力協防台灣」「美國遵守台灣關係法」等談話,則可說是美國對華政策中,轉向台灣傾斜的具體展現。

美國對華政策的多變與不變,從1970年代之前,美國不斷向台北強調「一個中國就是中華民國」,之後變成不斷向北京保證「一個中國就是中華人民共和國」。這其中,美國唯一不變的,就只有在過去兩岸政府都堅持「漢賊不兩立」的僵持下,選擇「那一邊」代表中國而已。

美國政黨輪替未久,布希就曾公開說出「不惜武力協防台灣」等有關對台政策的談話,各界公認「三不」已經隨著柯林頓而「人去政亡」了。這從布希絕口不提「三不」;這兩年美國在WTO(世界貿易組織)或WHO(世界衛生組織)等方面,也相當程度展現跟柯林頓政府的差異。

政治敏感用詞的是否明白說出,或者字眼轉變,當然都可視為政治氣氛或態度轉變的觀察指標或線索,但是,過度簡化或過度推論,都無助於判斷事實的趨勢,更何況,當前的美台關係,與其去聽美國「說了什麼」,不如去看美國「做了什麼」。

更重要的是,台灣在這個問題,與其去追究美國到底是「支持」、「不反對」或「不支持」、「反對」,倒不如認真的問自已,台灣自已想走什麼路?


NO:1039_8
台灣人  於 2002/08/28 12:40
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

為什麼台灣會有 中國時報 和 United News ???
當初老蔣都沒搞清楚他們是中國共產黨的同路人

NO:1039_10
NOBODY  於 2002/08/28 16:09
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

要說看美國臉色,
那我看統派媒體大概是最在行了
陳水扁說一邊一國,
聯合中時就一再想製造美國人不爽,
台灣就將完蛋的印象.
現在阿米塔吉說美國不反對台獨,
兩報又大聲宣嘩的說是美聯社記者誤解,
還說美國政府的重點是不支持台獨.
請樓上的說說,到底是誰在看美國老爸的嘴臉?
對了,統派媒體的老爸除了美國以外,
還有中國,想來他們自己以及其追隨著應該很迷惑吧?
最後請樓上的老兄以後統派媒體或是宋楚瑜或是馬英九說美國反對台獨時,
一定要站出來大聲的說,美國當然不會反對台獨!


NO:1039_11
natur  於 2002/08/28 16:29
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

>>>>美國當然不會反對台獨
>>>>這是中國的家務事

那中國為何要美國接受一個中國?
國際現實就是如此
美國口頭上講講也當真.
太天真了吧!


NO:1039_12
Green Flag  於 2002/08/28 16:49
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

1,支拿時報傅建中的意思是美聯社記者的英文真糟,聽錯了.
由他傅建中來翻譯英文兼解釋美國反台獨的立場更正確.

2,台灣的統霉記者就是希望逼美國官員在鏡頭前嘶吼說:
對!!! 我~ 反~ 對~ 台~ 獨~
這樣的表現才會台灣的統霉記者有半年的材料回來修理
嘲笑自己人.美國不反對台獨,統霉好像覺得很沒面子,
表現的十分不自然.開始顛三倒四自己來解釋美國的態度.


NO:1039_13
小我  於 2002/08/28 17:30
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

說也奇怪以前的政府常派一些人跟美國人打交道而且用盡各種方法,那些人有的還在而且有的還活躍政壇,什麼換人做了,這些人就是沒一句好話呢,就說宋主席好了,當年『中』美斷交他跟錢復就是代表政府要求美國不能從此不管台灣的,要求美國必須承諾軍售台灣...等協助台灣防止中共武力犯台,當時克里期多夫到台灣,我們還由教官帶隊到外交部去丟花生抗議(卡特故郷產花生),當年的增額立委選舉也停辦,就知道當年的政府因『中』美斷交如喪妣考,宋主席興票案發生後坊間就流傳說《宋先生的錢是在美國用來遊說美國政府協防台灣用》,所以,以前的政府用盡各種方法來遊美國,美國也不見得重視台灣,因為以台灣持一國中國跟中共是一國的,所以它沒必要干涉人家的內政,但是現在不一樣,台灣己經是一民主國家,跟中共是各自一國,所以美國協助民主國家必然的,不管從美國利益或是世界利益,世上任何一國家出來承認台灣,跟台灣建立友好關係,難道都要反對嗎?

NO:1039_14
林沖  於 2002/08/28 17:31
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

各個大哥~要不要去文給美聯社, 並告知美聯社, 台灣報紙說你們的報導有誤.

美聯社不是同意自己的報導有誤, 不然就是要求某媒體更正, 如此可逹到我們的目的.


NO:1039_15
截稿來逛逛  於 2002/08/28 23:28
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

這是美國國務院發的談話全文,給大家參考:
Subject: Armitage Says U.S. Does Not Support Taiwan Independence
Date: Mon, 26 Aug 2002 14:36:27 -0700
From: IIP Dept. of State
Reply-To: [email protected]
To: [email protected]


************************************************************
US-CHINA materials are only sent to subscribers.

************************************************************

Transcript: Armitage Says U.S. Does Not Support Taiwan Independence
(Armitage also discusses South Asia, nonproliferation, terrorism)

The United States does not support independence for
Taiwan, says Deputy Secretary of State Richard
Armitage.

In an August 26 news conference in Beijing, Armitage
told reporters that while Taiwan is one of the
questions where Washington and Beijing have a
difference of opinion, the U.S. approach to relations
with Taiwan is based on our One-China Policy, the
Three Communiqués, and the Taiwan Relations Act.

Armitage added that U.S. policies and actions are
predicated on the Beijing regimes continuation of
the policy of peaceful resolution of the question.

The United States expects that the policy of peaceful
resolution regarding Taiwan will continue to be the
policy of the Peoples Republic of China, he said.

Armitage told reporters that cooperation between the
United States and China in the field of
counter-terrorism is good. He noted that the United
States and China will be participating in a meeting on
terrorist financing and are about to have a
discussion about container handling security and
container security.

Regarding North Korea, Armitage said both the United
States and China share an interest in continued
stability on the peninsula of Korea.

Armitage noted that Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Li
Zhaoxing had briefed his delegation on Chinas
promulgation of missile-related export control
regulations and Chinas plans to strictly enforce
these new rules and regulations.

Armitage said the United States welcomed the news,
and added that the regulations are modeled on the
Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) guidelines.

Turning to South Asia, Armitage said he thanked his
Chinese counterparts for the strenuous efforts of
President Jiang Zemin, along with Russian President
Putin, in Almaty earlier this year to lower the
tensions between India and Pakistan.

I dont think theres any difference of opinion on
the absolute need to contain the tensions and try to
bring about a better situation, Armitage said. We
know the historical relationships between China and
Pakistan.

We did note that the present relationship between
India and China is better than it has been in the past
and we certainly expect that to continue, Armitage
said. For our part, we are going to continue to
consult closely with the Chinese as we move forward
and continue our involvement surrounding the tensions
in that region.

Following is a transcript of Armitages August 26 news
conference in Beijing:

(begin transcript)

Transcript of
Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage
Press Conference - Conclusion of China Visit

Beijing, China
August 26, 2002

ARMITAGE: I just completed a very full day of
positive discussion with Chinese leaders. My primary
focus was on making preparations for the meeting
between Presidents Bush and Jiang in Crawford
scheduled for October 25. My meetings included calls
on Vice President Hu Jintao, Vice Premier Qian Qichen,
Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan, my host Vice Foreign
Minister Li Zhaoxing, Deputy Chief of the General
Staff General Xiong Guangkai.

In these talks, we discussed a wide range of bilateral
and regional issues. With Vice Minister Li, we
reviewed our cooperation and recent exchanges on
counter-terrorism, human rights and religious freedom,
nonproliferation, and regional and economic issues.
Vice Minister Li briefed us on Chinas promulgation of
missile-related export control regulations and Chinas
plans to strictly enforce these new rules and
regulations. We welcomed the news. On human rights
and religious freedom, we discussed ways in which we
in the U.S. hope to convert these irritants to a more
positive force in U.S.-China relations. Vice Minister
Li and I spent a significant amount of time discussing
South Asia, including my just-concluded visit to Sri
Lanka, India, and Pakistan. These talks were aimed at
continuing to lower the tensions and promote peace and
stability in that very important region.

As you can imagine, my calls on Foreign Minister Tang,
Vice Premier Qian, and Vice President Hu were
especially important for underscoring the broad areas
in which our two great nations cooperate on a daily
basis. I am encouraged by all my Chinese hosts
strong commitment to standing with us in the
international fight against terrorism. In each call,
we talked of opportunities and shared hopes for
stronger relations in the future. Of course, we also
exchanged views on areas in which we did not see eye
to eye. On every issue, these exchanges were
constructive as well as candid.

QUESTION: Is there any linkage between your visit and
the ongoing Iraqi Foreign Minister visit to China?
Did you have an exchange of views with the Chinese
officials that you met on the Iraq issue? Thank you.

ARMITAGE: There was nothing but coincidence in the
Iraqi Foreign Ministers and my visit here. I was
informed by our Chinese friends here this morning that
the Iraqi foreign minister was in town.

I think the second part of your question was, did the
Chinese and I exchange views on Iraq? Yes, we did.

QUESTION: My question is about whether you have
talked with the Chinese leaders about the Taiwan
issue. Do you think Chen Shuibians one side and one
country opinion will have some bad influence on
President Jiang Zemins visit to the U.S. Thank you.

ARMITAGE: Well, of course we discussed the issue of
Taiwan. In my opening statement I referred to issues
on which we agreed and issues on which we didnt
agree. Of course its well known that we dont
entirely agree on the issue of Taiwan. The statements
of President Chen Shuibian on August 3rd were a
subject of our discussions. The U.S. view has been
put forward by spokesmen from the State Department and
the White House. That is that the U.S. does not
support Taiwan independence and I dont think that
those statements of August 3rd will in any way
interfere with the third summit between President Bush
and President Jiang Zemin.

QUESTION: Could you please tell us the substance of
your talks with the Vice President, Hu Jintao?

ARMITAGE: In general I can. We exchanged
pleasantries and mutual respects between the Vice
President and our Vice President, Dick Cheney. Vice
President Cheney has accepted a return visit under the
invitation of Vice President Hu Jintao for some time
in the future. I was able to convey his best respects
and good wishes. We did talk about the Taiwan
question. We talked at length about areas in which we
not only can cooperate but areas in which we need to
cooperate, such as the World Summit on Sustainable
Development which is going to take place in
Johannesburg. We also talked about South Asia and the
absolute need for China and the U.S. to continue our
efforts to try to contain the difficulties and lower
the tensions.

QUESTION: On the subject of proliferation, now that
China has published these export controls and the list
of dual-use technologies subject to restriction, will
the U.S. now go ahead with its part of the November
2000 agreement and begin issuing permits for U.S.
satellites to be launched in China? Or, is there now
going to be a period in which the U.S. watches how
these regulations are implemented and enforced before
doing that?

ARMITAGE: Well, part of the November 2000 agreement
also, from the U.S. point of view, required certain
punishment for people who had engaged in these
sanctioned activities. What we did agree to do is to
have our experts get together as soon as humanly
possible on our side, this would be Assistant
Secretary John Wolf, to not only fully understand the
regulations and enforcement mechanism but to talk
about a way forward. We view this as a positive step
and a positive development, and I hope that the talks
that will be coming in the very near future will lead
to the undoing of some of those licenses which have
been held up.

QUESTION: Have you seen the list of the technologies
and the products that are covered under these
regulations? If so, do they meet your requirements or
are there important technologies that arent even on
the list?

ARMITAGE: During my meeting this morning with Vice
Foreign Minister Li he gave me the export regulations.
Unfortunately for me, they were in Chinese. So the
answer to your question is, Ive seen them but I
didnt understand them. I suspect that our folks are
poring over them right now. Someone who is much more
expert on the ins and outs will be able to give you a
much more considered answer.

QUESTION: Sorry, but is that the list or is that just
the regulations and the list of the products will be
coming?

ARMITAGE: I heard that that is the case but as I say
I didnt tear through it. It was quite thick and I
had ongoing discussions.

QUESTION: You just mentioned that you discussed the
issue of South Asia with the Chinese leadership. How
did the Chinese respond and what was your view of
this?

ARMITAGE: Well, in the first instance I thanked the
Chinese side for the strenuous efforts of President
Jiang Zemin at Almaty a couple of months ago to try to
lower the temperatures, along with the efforts of
President Putin. Of course, the United States has
been involved throughout. I dont think theres any
difference of opinion on the absolute need to contain
the tensions and try to bring about a better
situation. We know the historical relationships
between China and Pakistan. We did note that the
present relationship between India and China is better
than it has been in the past and we certainly expect
that to continue. For our part, we are going to
continue to consult closely with the Chinese as we
move forward and continue our involvement surrounding
the tensions in South Asia.

QUESTION: There have been many times since Mr. Bush
was elected when the mood in Washington seemed rather
anti-Chinese. A lot of questions have been raised
about China. Even many in the administration are very
suspicious about the Chinese. The way you describe
your visit, its like youre best friends. Can you
talk a bit about this?

ARMITAGE: Well, I would note that whether youre in
Beijing or whether youre in Washington, there are
voices who are not as favorable to the relationship.
Its not a phenomenon thats limited to Washington. I
note that President Bush has three times now, or will
soon with Crawford, have met with the leadership of
China. Secretary Powell has had significant
interactions with his foreign minister counterpart;
Vice President Cheney with Vice President Hu Jintao.
I think the senior leadership of the United States is
quite intent on developing a good, solid relationship
with the Peoples Republic of China. This is not to
deny that there are voices occasionally that question
this relationship in Washington and beyond in our
country. Just as its not to deny that there are
voices here in Beijing that question the worthwhile
nature of the relationship with the United States.

I dont think that your characterization of us as
having had a conversation as if were the best of
friends...(inaudible). Some of us have been dealing
with the Chinese leadership for 20-odd years, so there
is a certain basis of understanding. Even when we
disagree, I think theres enough, as we say here in
Beijing, mutual trust and confidence, to know that we
can disagree without being disagreeable.

QUESTION: Did the U.S. side have any input into the
drafting of the export controls which have been issued
here? Was anything presented by the U.S. side that
the U.S. would like to see happen?

ARMITAGE: We certainly have had discussions. John
Wolf and Undersecretary Bolton have had discussions
with their Chinese counterparts. Whether they
actually turned over a list I cant say.

DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY KEYSER: I think its
modeled on the MTCR (Missile Technology Control
Regime) guidelines.

ARMITAGE: There it is. And the answer is that its
modeled on the MTCR guidelines.

QUESTION: A second question, did China and the United
States see eye to eye with regard to the countries
that should not get this kind of technology or is
there disagreement regarding to Iran or Pakistan?

ARMITAGE: First of all, the United States is in the
midst of developing quite a good congenial,
constructive relationship with Pakistan. We didnt,
in my discussions, get into individual countries and
eligibility for different technology.

QUESTION: Just a follow-up on the proliferation issue.
In the months that the U.S. and China were going back
and forth about the November 2000 agreement, after the
November 2000 agreement, the subject of grandfathering
existing contracts came up. Is that issue now behind
both sides, and how has it been dealt with?

ARMITAGE: I did not discuss it today. Much more time
was spent on the regional issues. From our point of
view, grandfathering was not on. This is one of the
things that Assistant Secretary Wolf is going to have
to discuss when he arrives here in Beijing. Or,
perhaps well meet in New York. Wherever we can do
it, as quickly as possible, with the Chinese.

QUESTION: (Inaudible)

ARMITAGE: Between the United States and the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization? With China? Oh,
absolutely. The question had to do with
counter-terrorism cooperation and whether there was
anything to expect in the U.S.-China relationship
regarding counter-terrorism. Were going to have, I
believe its our second meeting on terrorist
financing. Were about to have a discussion about
container handling security and container security.
The Chinese side noted with satisfaction the U.S.
determination to put the ETIM (East Turkestan Islamic
Movement) on the foreign terrorist list, something
weve had discussions with China about over the past
several months. So, I think we certainly noted with
satisfaction the cooperation we had in Washington,
where, with Chinas assistance, we put together U.N.
Security Council Resolution 1373, which covered the
matter of terrorist financing. All in all, I think
the counter-terrorism cooperation is a pretty good
picture for the U.S. and for China.

QUESTION: The road to the release of these
regulations on missiles today has been slow and rather
bumpy, with some charges along the way that China
continued to export this sort of technology. Given
that background, how would you assess the significance
of what happened yesterday? Does it mean the U.S. is
still extremely wary and cautious? Or, this is a new
chapter, and things are much better?

ARMITAGE: I dont know how a guy who cant read
Chinese could characterize just what was contained on
the list. Being a non-technical person myself, I
dont think I can characterize us as being wary of it,
or cautious. Were businesslike in our approach to
the problems of export controls and proliferation. I
certainly see this as an effort on Chinas part to
move forward, and I fervently hope that thats what
our experts will determine. I suspect they will. But
I dont care to characterize.

QUESTION: Could you brief us a little bit more about
what kind of talks you had on Iraq? Especially, have
you touched upon the possibility of a U.S. attack on
Iraq?

ARMITAGE: I discussed the fact that Iraq left
untended, we felt, was a threat to us and to Iraqs
neighbors. I discussed some of our Presidents
comments, to the effect that he has all options before
him and hes made no decisions. I discussed, with our
Chinese friends, the fact that we will consult with
them as we move forward, and that no final decisions
have been made now. Finally, we discussed sort of the
theory of having U.N. Security Council Resolutions
existent, and the specter of a nation basically
thumbing their nose at the United Nations Security
Council, and what this augured for the body.

QUESTION: You mentioned the ETIM, and discussed
putting it on the terrorist list. Does this mean that
the U.S. considers the ETIM to be a terrorist
organization, and would support putting it on a list
of terrorist organizations?

ARMITAGE: We did.

QUESTION: You already have?

ARMITAGE: Yes. Its done. It was done several days
ago. We also discussed, I might add, not only the
fact that we put the ETIM on the terrorist list, but
the need, as China moved forward itself, in the very
difficult counter-terrorism fight with the ETIM, that
theres absolute necessity to respect minority rights,
particularly the Uighurs, in this case.

QUESTION: I would like to follow up on the BBC
question about ETIM. Maybe you could tell us what
ETIM stands for. Chinese officials in Xinjiang have
actually said that there is no room for a peaceful
independence movement, any sort of independence
movement, in Xinjiang for the Uighurs. So, if the
U.S. government is classifying the non-peaceful
independence movement as a terrorist organization,
where does that leave any independence movement?

ARMITAGE: The ETIM is the Eastern Turkestan Islamic
Movement. After careful study we judged that it was a
terrorist group, that it committed acts of violence
against unarmed civilians without any regard for who
was hurt. Im not sure what the second part of your
question was.

QUESTION: Basically, no peaceful resistance is
allowed in Xinjiang, so from a human rights point of
view, if no peaceful resistance is allowed, and we
classified the unpeaceful resistance as terrorism,
what is left for anyone who wants independence?

ARMITAGE: I think I tried to make clear that as we
discussed with our Chinese hosts, the placement of
ETIM on the terrorist list, we also discussed the need
to respect minority rights, particularly the Uighurs,
and recognize that this is difficult, but its
absolutely necessary, as we move forward.

QUESTION: (Translated.) Ever since Chen Shuibian
made the statement about one country on each side of
the Straits, the United States has not really
commented on that statement. Why is that?

ARMITAGE: We have indeed commented. The United
States said, in response to that, both from the State
Department spokespersons desk, as well as the White
House, that the United States does not support Taiwan
independence.

QUESTION: (Translated.) (Inaudible)...the difference
of opinion between Bush and Jiang
Zemin...(inaudible)...image of Chen Shuibian, whether
these differences...(inaudible)...can be
resolved...(inaudible)...by the next summit?

ARMITAGE: I think I understood the question to be,
would the differences of opinion between Mr. Bush and
President Jiang Zemin be resolved before the next
summit?

QUESTION: (Inaudible)

ARMITAGE: I dont think I can comment on the image of
President Chen Shuibian. I think I would note that
Taiwan is one of the questions that, I think everyone
knows, we have a difference of opinion with our
Chinese friends on. Its a situation that has existed
for a long time. I made it clear that our own
approach to relations is based on our One-China
Policy, the Three Communiqués, and the Taiwan
Relations Act, and note that all of our activities are
predicated on Chinas continuation of the policy of
peaceful resolution of the question, when we certainly
expect that to continue to be the policy of the
Peoples Republic of China.

QUESTION: You just mentioned that the administration
doesnt support Taiwan independence. Can you explain
why the administration is taking a position on the
final outcome in the Taiwan Strait? And, what could
happen if, this would shock us all but, if the people
on both sides of the Strait decided that Taiwan could
go independent? Would Washington continue not to
support Taiwan independence? Could you flesh out this
policy a little more, so wed understand it more?

ARMITAGE: The wording is important. By saying we do
not support, its one thing. Its different from
saying we oppose it. If people on both sides of the
Strait came to an agreeable solution, then the United
States obviously wouldnt inject ourselves. Hence, we
use the term we dont support it. But its
something to be resolved by the people on both sides
of the question.

QUESTION: Describe your remarks regarding Iraq.
Could you tell us a bit about what you heard in
response from the Chinese side?

ARMITAGE: No, I think thats for our Chinese friends
to say.

QUESTION: Can I just ask, then, whether you were
surprised by anything that you heard from that side?

ARMITAGE: No, I was not.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) What kind of pressure did China
and America make on the ETIM issue?

ARMITAGE: On the ETIM issue? The cooperation is, we
have put them on the foreign terrorist list. This
will, we believe, have some effect on helping to dry
up the funds that exist for this movement, therefore
making it much more difficult for the movement to
continue to engage in violence. We notice that when
the United States put the LTTE of Sri Lanka on the
foreign terrorists list, a short time later it became
very much more difficult for them to act with the same
impunity in Sri Lanka. Hence, theres been a
movement, or at least the beginnings of a glimmer, of
hope for peace in Sri Lanka. One would hope that the
same type of result would be here.

QUESTION: (Inaudible)

ARMITAGE: LTTE, what? (Inaudible question) No, not
by the United States.

QUESTION: By the government of Sri Lanka?

ARMITAGE: No, the government of Sri Lanka, which we
support, can make any decision they want regarding --
theyve got the nearest equities. For our part, the
United States part, the LTTE remains on the list.

QUESTION: Were you able to discuss Chinas position
on North Korean asylum seekers? Im not sure if
youre aware that today, seven North Koreans were
arrested outside the Foreign Ministry?

ARMITAGE: We discussed the question of North Korea,
the fact that both the United States and China share
an interest in continued stability on the peninsula of
Korea. I was unaware of that incident, the seven to
which you refer. That did not come up in my talks
today.

Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you very
much.

(end transcript)


NO:1039_16
小林  於 2002/08/29 13:22
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

目前華府發言人最大的困擾,就是在面對台灣記者執意將「不支持」解讀成「反對」的同時;另外又要面對有意追究、甚至認為「不支持」明明已經改成「不反對」的美國記者。

那是一群比較了解兩岸問題,又比較支持民主台灣的美國記者。但是,這些記者最大的不解,就是台灣記者的反應吧。

與其去聽美國「說了什麼」,不如去看美國「做了什麼」。確實,軍售台灣的規格、阿扁過境美國的規格、突顯「台灣關係法」的頻率、湯曜明的訪美、甚至布希說出「歡迎兩岸的兩個國家加入WTO」及「台灣共和國」等,這一切還不足以「具體展現」美國的對台政策嗎?

在這麼多具體作為之下,台灣媒體執意為一句「不支持」或「不反對」,而情緒波動,確實讓人有點啼笑皆非。

柯林頓公開一句「不支持」,當然就足以表示他的「實際」政治態度;但是,同樣的,阿米塔吉在北京公開說「不支持不表示反對」的說法,當然也有其一定程度的政治意義。

美聯社記者最大的疑惑,應該是覺得他明明是在幫台灣,為什麼台灣記者執意要將他打成「錯誤解讀」?

很諷刺吧


NO:1039_17
wegt  於 2002/08/29 14:06
Re:美國副國務卿:不反對台獨 聯合中國報急得跳腳

bndfn

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