大陸新聞中心／綜合報導
2004/06/01

香港大公報報導，共軍這個月將在福建省東山島舉行海陸空三軍聯合軍事演習，演習目標首次鎖定為「爭奪台海制空權」。

東山島當地居民表示，自五月中旬以來，已陸續有作戰部隊進駐操演。

在此同時，中新社、解放軍報近日也陸續報導中共空軍最新型的俄製蘇愷廿七戰機，從四月以來，在華南一帶進行大編隊轉場訓練。海軍航空兵的轟炸機也出動，在南海演練多機低空襲擊海上目標。

南京軍區的華東某基地，據新華網報導，已成立一支新型的地對空飛彈防空部隊，並在四年前成功進行實彈演習，有能力防範來襲的飛彈。

消息人士指出，參加六月東山島演習部隊約一萬八千人，主要以南京軍區部隊為首，總指揮是南京軍區的黃江中將，他的祖籍就是福建省東山縣，曾任廈門水警區司令，後任南海艦隊司令。

演習將有飛彈旅、陸戰旅、多艘戰艦和潛艇參與，蘇愷廿七戰機將搭載KN59M空對地飛彈，負責掌握台海制空權及確保坦克登陸部隊作戰。

而新華網則報導，為加強防空能力，中共多年前從炮兵、裝甲兵、步兵部隊抽調出數百名精英，裝備最先進的防空飛彈武器系統，成立一支新的飛彈部隊。

報導介紹，這支新的飛彈團中，博士、碩士、學士軍官占幹部總數的百分之六十四，四百一十二名官兵通過國家電腦等級考試，近一半指揮員被評為優等指揮員，九成以上的軍官能熟練運用多媒體技術、資訊網路技術開展教育訓練，十五名軍官成為專家級人才，一百卅七名戰士成為裝備操作能手。

大陸新聞中心／綜合報導
2004/06/01

撰寫「金門戰役檢討」的中共空軍副政委劉亞洲中將，針對伊拉克戰爭發展，接受「空軍軍事學術」期刊採訪指出，未來的戰爭絕對是信息化的遠程戰爭，空中打擊是最重要的武力，軍事戰略必須改變，從以往的防守改成攻擊，要以戰止戰。

劉亞洲是中共空軍後起之秀，曾任成都軍區空軍政委，這篇兩萬多字的受訪文章去年底首次發表，陸續被多個重要期刊和網站轉載。

劉亞洲對伊拉克戰爭的觀點，美軍的表現，有如一場廿一世紀對廿世紀、飛彈對子彈、衛星對準星（步槍上的瞄準器）的戰爭，號稱中等軍事強國的伊拉克被美軍摧枯拉朽，主要就是美軍掌握了先進的資訊和數位化科技，美軍根本不必面對面打，就能決戰千里之外。

而這場不對稱的戰爭，主要就是由空軍擔任整個作戰任務，陸軍充其量只負擔百分之一的作戰任務，只是去掃蕩、安頓、捉拿伊拉克高官而已，有如一場大批警察包圍固守房屋內嫌疑犯的圍捕畫面，甚至有人形容是場遊戲，而不是戰爭。

劉亞洲從伊拉克戰爭中認識到：一、戰爭的思想是開放的，必須隨時有改變，美軍不墨守成規能保持最大的彈性，才能發揮最大的功效；二、要注重戰略，從各種戰場型態中找到戰爭模式並加以運用；三、中共軍隊必須走自己的路，發揚自身的特點。

中國首度發佈國防科技工業產業政策綱要
中央社
2004-6-01 22:41

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（中央社台北一日電）中國大陸國防科學技術工業委員會、國家發展和改革委員會，最近聯合發佈「國防科技工業產業政策綱要」，國防科工委負責人指出，制定這份「綱要」有助於貫徹國防科技工業建設的方針政策。


　新華網報導，這份綱要包括產業發展、產業結構、產業組織、產業技術、產業佈局、對外開放、人才、保密安全等九部分五十二條。

PLAN Modernization Plans

The Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has decided to modernize its force of major surface combatants. It has embarked on a program of progressive development of new ships and weapons systems. This program also includes upgrading the weapons on some ships.

PLAN operates basically two kinds of major warships: guided missile destroyers (DDG) and escort destroyers (FFG). These are very much a high/low mix program. PLAN designed FFG are possibly the weakest armed and poorest equipped major surface combatants in the world. But, as Stalin said, “quantity has a quality all its own” and there are advantages to having more sensor platforms and ships able to launch cruise missiles from different vectors. In addition, older PLAN FFGs are fast minelayers.

The oldest type of FFG is the Jianghu class. Built in large numbers (about 31 remain in service) from 1975 to 1996, there are five sub-classes. All are armed with single or twin 100 mm dual purpose guns and obsolescent ASW weapons. All also are armed with older Anti-Shipping Cruise Missiles (C-801 or 2), in surprisingly small numbers (typically 4, but in one subclass, only 2, and Jianghu III has 8). Some of these ships have been upgraded to carry modern, lightweight ASW torpedoes. One ship (Siping Hull 544) was experimentally upgraded to carry a Z-9C ASW helicopter.

During the 1990s the PLAN produced fourteen Jiangwei type FFG. These introduced point defense SAM (both a domestic product and a Cretole copy) systems to FFGs. They operate a pair of Z-9C helicopters. They also are reported to be able to fire ASW missiles from their ASCM tubes. Nevertheless, they were certainly the least well equipped major warships built anywhere in the world in that decade, and they are entirely dependent on remarkably obsolescent technology.

Today the PLAN is building the first pair of a new kind of FFG. These ships have the now standard Cretole point defense SAM system, a single Ka-28 (or Z-9C) helicopter, and eight of a much improved anti-shipping cruise missile. Nevertheless, the design has already been overtaken by an improved model (not yet laid down), fitted with a variant of the SAM found on the Sovremenny and a still higher performing ASCM (Air to Surface Cruise Missile). It is planned to backfit the early units to this newer standard eventually.

PLAN destroyers show a similar evolution. The basic design is the Luda class, produced from 1972 to 1991 in considerable numbers. Except only for ships 109, 110, 165 and 166, which have a Cretole point defense SAM system, all these ships use guns for air defense. They are generally armed with 6 ASCMs (C-801/2), but that one upgraded unit (109) has 16, and the last unit (166: Zuhai) has eight (of which some are apparently ASROC like CY-1 antisubmarine weapons). Number 105 (Jinan) was fitted for 2 J-9C helicopters. Except for her, these ships all can carry 32 mines.

During the 1990s, PLAN began to update their destroyer designs, using the Luhu and Luhai classes to introduce larger hulls and CODOG (combined diesel and gas turbine propulsion. Both classes used the now standard Crotale point defense SAM and both carried two Z-9C helicopters. Both seem to be ASW ships, but neither is fitted with a standoff ASW missile, relying instead on their helicopters. There was probably a fourth unit, but engine supply difficulties reportedly resulted in the project being abandoned. Luhu’s hull is the basis for two follow on classes, indicating the Chinese are using a modular design. Four hulls are building, side by side, to these two designs: 2 Guangzhou class and 2 Lanzhou class. The first represents a lower risk venture, employing similar missiles (SA-N-12, SS-N-22) as the Russian destroyers already serving (slightly upgraded). The second employs a Chinese designed phased array radar, VLS (vertical launch tubes) system, and a much more capable area defense SAM system (SA-10). These are good ships, but somewhat small for their roles, resulting in rather limited magazine capacity, and employing fewer fire control radars/illuminators than would be ideal. One might think of them as mini-Arleigh Burkes (a high tech US DDG class) – but they are significant steps in the history of PLAN DDG evolution. One uses an advanced, supersonic, Chinese designed anti-shipping cruise missile (C-803), while the other uses the same weapon as the Russian destroyers (SS-N-22).

There are indications that the follow on generation of destroyers is in design. Based on an 8,000 ton hull, they use a Russian designed phased array radar system and a VLS version of the high performance S-300 family of SAMs (SA-10). They also use the SSN-26 hypersonic anti-shipping missile. The earlier ships are to be retrofitted if this weapon becomes standard.

Finally, there is the hedge. China tries to buy both foreign and domestic weapons in case the domestic ones take a long time to perfect. They also tend to copy the new weapons systems (whether or not they get a license to do so). They bought two unfinished Russian Sovremenny class destroyers, which were available early, and they have ordered two more to be built from scratch, with even more advanced weapons. They are already planning to incorporate these weapons into domestically designed ships.

http://yam.udn.com/yamnews/daily/2054866.shtml
俄為大陸趕造兩艘現代艦

華盛頓記者林寶慶／一日電
2004/06/02

俄羅斯正為中國大陸建造兩艘新型「現代」級驅逐艦九五六ＥＭ，採用專為中國大陸量身訂做的超音速「日炙」三Ｍ八○ＭＢＥ艦對艦飛彈，艦對艦攻擊距離幾乎是三Ｍ八○Ｅ的兩倍，並以美國航空母艦戰鬥群為鎖定對象。中國大陸的艦對艦飛彈技術已領先日本。

「漢和防務評論」指出，中國大陸第二批現代級驅逐艦效能超過西方的評估。中國大陸並保留追加進口另外兩艘九五六ＥＭ的權利。

漢和代總編輯平可夫指出，一旦台海有事，第一批現代級九五六Ｅ主要對付日台海軍的水面戰艦；而九五六ＥＭ主要專用來對付美國航空母艦戰鬥群。平可夫說，第一批現代級將來也可能換裝改良後的三Ｍ八○ＭＢＥ 。

據日前香港商報報導，中共一九九○年代自潛艦潛望鏡拍攝的照片最近曝光，目標包括美國的航空母艦。這顯示中共潛艦當時的匿蹤性已很強，且已在極近距離尾隨美國航空母艦。

香港左派媒體前天報導，共軍將在福建東山島演習，中共外交部發言人劉建超昨天間接證實此事。

劉建超表示演習「必要且合理」。

劉建超並針對美國發表的「中國軍力年度評估報告」指出，中共為維護國家安全和領土完整，進行國防建設，理所當然。

香港大公報報導，共軍本月將在福建省東山島舉行海陸空三軍聯合軍事演習，演習目標為「爭奪台海制空權」。昨天中共外交部例行記者會上，劉建超面對媒體查證，並未否認上述報導，僅表示他已經看到相關報導。

劉建超指出，大陸要加強軍事建設，因此進行軍事演習是必要、也是合理的。而在舉行類似軍事演習時，大陸會考慮到相關海域通航的安全問題。大陸不是第一次軍事演習，在這方面沒有任何問題。

在回應美國國防部日前公布的「中國軍力年度評估報告」時，劉建超強調，大陸奉行獨立自主的和平外交政策，實行防禦性國防政策，堅持走和平發展的道路。作為主權國家，大陸為維護國家安全和領土完整，進行國防建設是理所當然。

劉建超抨擊美國提出這項評估報告的舉動，充滿冷戰思維，重彈「中國威脅論」老調，刻意誇大中共軍力和軍費開支，別有用心；同時重申世界上只有一個中國，台灣是中國的一部分，中共政府堅持「和平統一、一國兩制」的方針。劉建超表示，中共願以最大的誠意、盡最大努力爭取中國和平統一的前景，但絕不容忍台獨，絕不允許任何人以任何方式，把台灣從中國分割出去。

共軍總政治部主任徐才厚日前簽發命令，頒布新的「民兵誓詞」和「民兵宣誓實施辦法」，新誓詞要求民兵「隨時參戰」。

大陸有關人士指出，這是大陸為適應台海新形勢，國防動員的實質舉措。

AIRCRAFT BUILDERS FROM KOMSOMOLSK-ON-AMUR WILL DELIVER 20 AMPHIBIANS TO
CHINESE PEOPLES REPUBLIC (CPR)

First Sight Of Chinese Catamaran

By Yihong Chang, JDW Correspondent, Toronto

New photographs have revealed the existence of a hitherto unknown Chinese fast-attack craft design based on a wave-piercing catamaran hullform and exhibiting a high degree of radar-cross-section (RCS) reduction in its topside design.

The vessel, carrying the pennant number 2208, was observed outside the Qiuxin shipyard following its launch in April.

The design is characterised by a wave-piercing catamaran hullform, a centre bow to reduce the incidence of slamming and four waterjet propulsors aft (two in each hull).

The vessels are almost certainly made from aluminium alloy, already widely used in commercial fast ferry designs.

Furthermore, photographs show the extent to which the vessels designers have sought to reduce RCS by faceting the outer hull, bridge and topside structures and reducing external fittings.

Also apparent are modifications to reduce the RCS of the AK-630 gun mounting fitted forward. The presence of other weapon and sensor systems is less easy to discern. However, the wedge-shaped structures aft may be housings for anti-ship missiles, while some form of electro-optical director appears to be installed above the bridge deck.

Analysts believe that the Chinese Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) may be looking to introduce into service a large number of missile-armed fast-attack craft based on the wave-piercing catamaran hullform adopted by unit 2208.

Observers believe that these vessels could act as nodes in a wider networked platform and sensor grid, while their stealth features have raised the possibility that they have been designed as a counterpoint to the Taiwanese navys new Kwang Hua 6-class fast-attack craft.

Chinese research into the application of novel hullforms for military and security applications has its origins in the 1970s. However, it was not until 1999 that the Chinese customs service received its first two 220-ton small-waterplane-area twin-hull vessels.

24 May 2004 16:05
China`s Military Sacrilege

The PRC is demanding that Russia sell it the latest generation of military technology. This not only contradicts the strategic interests of Russia’s defense industry, but it could also create a threat to national security.

Alexei Khazbiev

At a late April meeting in Beijing with Russian defense minister Sergei Ivanov, the chairman of China’s State Council Weng Jiabao announced that “the practice of acquiring finished military hardware from Russia has run its course and now the time has come to find new forms of cooperation.” The Chinese Minister of Defense Cao Gangchuan proposed removing all limits on military hardware supply and giving Chinese specialists access to top-secret Russian military know-how.
At present, Russia’s Ministry of Defense views China as a likely military opponent, and for this reason prohibits sales of certain kinds of Russian military technology to the PRC. However the Chinese were never bothered by this fact before, as Russians approached trade with China over the last ten years along the lines of “take what you’re given.” The Chinese did precisely that, and in great quantities. The People’s Liberation Army of China (PLA) consistently bought $1.5-2 billion in weapons from Russian every year. Russia’s share of Chinese weaponry imports reached 90%. Clearly, the Chinese have changed their tune. But why?

Beyond the Great Wall

Only a year and a half ago, Chinese General Secretary Hu Jindao announced that in twenty years, China intends to make its army one of the most powerful and advanced armies in the world. In that period of time, the Chinese are supposed to create a broad range of military hardware with specifications superceding all currently existing analogous weaponry. Yet the Chinese military-industrial complex failed miserably at last task handed down by the Communist Party, to copy the last generation in Russian and American military hardware.
For example, in the early 1980s the Chinese put all their efforts into creating their own version of the American F-16 fighter. In late 2002, or twenty years after the start of the program, they began small-scale manufacture of their clone, the J-10. Of course, in terms of its specifications, the plane is closer to the third generation of fighters than the forth.
The Chinese fared no better in their attempts to clone anti-aircraft systems. After buying at least twelve divisions of S-300 long-range missiles, China tried to create a clone of this system, the FT-2000. Currently, there is only one in existence. Externally it looks a lot like the well-known Russian long-range missile system. However, in contrast to the S-300, the Chinese system cannot hit rapidly moving targets. This means that it is completely ineffective against fighter planes and cruise missiles.
The best example of military hardware cloning in China involved Soviet aircraft carriers. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, China bought three aircraft carriers from Russia and Ukraine, the Minsk, the Kiev, and the Variag, which the Soviet navy had decommissioned. The Chinese program to create China’s own aircraft carrier began in 1993, but China did not succeed in building an aircraft carrier. Now the Minsk has been converted into the floating amusement park, Minsk World, while the Kiev and Variag are being turned into a five-star hotel and a casino.
The Chinese defense industry is not ready at present to recreate foreign technology. For this reason, Chinese military contractors’ only chance to carry out the new party task is to acquire cutting-edge technology from Russia and attract Russian specialists to develop up-to-date weaponry systems. In other words, they want to start their own engineering tradition at Russia’s expense.

Whose army is better?

It’s no exaggeration to call Beijing’s new technological demands over the top. The PLA is currently buying the latest modifications to 4G Su-30MKK fighters. These planes are rightfully considered some of the best in the world. Even the Russian military does not have them. Due to a lack of funds, the Russian Air Force was forced to make due with updated, less than perfect Su-27s. Nonetheless, China is demanding that Bars radars with phased array antenna and active homing head air-to-air missiles be installed in Su-30MKKs. At the same time, the Chinese are negotiating with Russia to obtain a new series of planes and the technology to produce both radars and missiles, as well as production licenses to manufacture the AL-31F engines used in Su-30s.
The Chinese have even an even greater interest in naval weaponry. Before the collapse of the USSR, plans were made to build a 956U-type gas turbine-powered destroyer. This ship was supposed become the main striking force of the Soviet Navy in the mid-ocean zone. But again due to a lack of money, the prototype was never put into production. Now the PLA is proposing to finance the construction of a head destroyer, but under the condition that Russia hands over not only the ship itself, but also all the documentation related to it. The PRC would also like to be a co-investor on a project to create floating nuclear power plants using Russian KLT-40S reactors. Finally, the PRC has plans to attract Russia as the main engineer and planner of a heavy aircraft carrier that they hope to launch in the next two to three years.
At present, China’s military might is already completely comparable to Russia’s. Without taking into account atomic weapons, China has surpassed Russia militarily. In military operations that do not use atomic weapons, the scales would very likely tip to the Chinese side. What price are the Chinese willing to pay to make their army more powerful than Russia’s at Russian expense?

Two birds, one stone

Konstanin Makienko, Deputy Director of the Centre for Analysis of Strategies and Technologies, believes that giving China the latest weaponry and technology would bring Russia at least $10 billion. “We could hand over our missile building technology in return for an order of 150 Su-30MKK fighters for a grand total of $7-8 billion,” Makienko states. “If Russian collaborates with the PRC to build a Chinese aircraft carrier, we should ask China to buy at least four warships costing $3.5-4 billion.” Income from motor and radar licensing could bring another $2 billion into the state coffers.
To all appearances, the Chinese think that even $10 billion is excessive. The PRC’s leaders are not currently giving any concrete numbers, hoping to have the embargo imposed by the EU after Tiananmen Square in 1989 lifted this fall. China’s calculations are simple. If the embargo is lifted, they won’t have to pay Russia such a high price. But that is just the beginning.
China has no desire to recognize Russia’s current borders. The Chinese authorities are demanding Russia “declare all the treaties concluded between imperial Russia and the Qing Dynasty unequal.” In 1989, Deng Xiaoping announced that “Russia used these treaties to grab more than one and half million square kilometers of Chinese territory and now the time has come to pay.” The Chinese have in mind the entire Maritime Territory, Tuva, Sakhalin, and areas north of the Amur River, including Vladivostok and Khabarovsk. Deng Xiaoping’s statements were never disavowed, and they continue to play an important role in local politics. Since 1949 Chinese schoolchildren have be taught to believe that Russia is “in historical territorial debt to China.” For example, a recently published Chinese secondary school textbook states directly that “during the Second Opium War provoked by the British and French, tsarist Russia delighted in another’s woe, robbing the house while it burned.”

The choice is ours

英國《The Times》6月1日報道，英國首相托尼•布萊爾計劃解除已經持續了15年的對華軍售禁令。

文章指出，英國將支持法國和德國的決定，希望歐盟早日解除對華軍售禁令。英國政府官員表示，他們意識到美國反對解除對華軍售禁令，但英國官員正在勸說美國官員沒有必要擔心中國的軍事力量。

　　今年年初，歐盟共同外交與安全政策高級代表索拉納、歐盟委員會主席普羅迪以及歐盟對外關系委員彭定康曾異口同聲地多次指出︰“對華軍售禁令已經不合時宜”，“是解除禁令的時候了”。今年4月26日、27日的歐盟外長會議本來是人們“鎖定”的歐盟解除對華軍售禁令的時候。但會議沒有作出解除禁令的任何決定。表面的原因是歐盟成員國意見不統一，但這一問題背後的“美國因素”起了非常消極的作用。雖然歐盟此次采取了“拖”的辦法，但歐盟官員指出，解除對華軍售禁令不是“會不會”的問題，而是“何時”的問題:

Britain aims to lift arms ban on China
By Philip Webster, Roland Watson and Charles Bremner

TONY BLAIR is planning to ditch the 15-year-old embargo on selling arms to China imposed after the Tiananmen Square massacre.

Britain is expected to side with France and Germany in arguing that it is time for the EU ban to be lifted.

The Times understands that Mr Blair hopes that a decision could be linked to improving human rights in China.

But resistance is so strong in America that Colin Powell, the Secretary of State, has said that any European country lifting the ban would be denied access to US military technolgy.

President Chirac is making the running on a review, with Britain arguing that no decision should be made this year because of its sensitivity in the run-up to the US presidential election. The US ban on arms sales to China will remain in force whether George Bush or John Kerry wins in November.

The discussions come as China is believed to be rearming heavily and making threatening noises towards Taiwan.

However ministers believe that a new EU code of conduct on arms exports would provide prevent weapons that could be used for “external aggression or internal repression” going to China.

The American State Department is reported to be “incandescent” at the prospect of the embargo being raised, believing it to be driven by a European desire to boost trade with the communist State.

France wants to benefit from China’s £2 billion-a-year market for defence technology while US companies are banned from it.

Ending the ban was proposed first by France with German backing. Britain is aware of Washington’s concerns over the transfer of high technology weapons to Beijing and the possible threat to democratic Taiwan, which the US is pledged to protect.

A senior British official said: “The US has to work on the basis that one day it might have to go to war with China. Its position is understandable.”

But behind the scenes it is trying to convince the Americans that their fears are misplaced. The Times has learnt that Britain is pushing for China to ratify the 1976 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to show its determination to improve its human rights record.

Ministers are also pushing for more Chinese co-operation over asylum and a tightening of procedures that have allowed thousands of Chinese to arrive in Britain without papers. The EU wants an agreement with China to allow the return of illegal migrants.

M Chirac’s call for the ban to be lifted has come as he promotes his vision of a “multipolar world” — one not dominated solely by the US.

Privately French officials are not optimistic that, even with British support, their campaign will succeed. A decision would need a unanimous EU vote but countries are reluctant to be seen as outright opponents. “If we were the only country to refuse, it would not be good for economic relations with China,” Jan Balkenende, the Dutch Prime Minister, has said. His view is shared by other countries that wish to build trade links.

American concern at the proposal goes to the highest levels in Washington. US officials said that the proposal is “bad human rights policy” because many Tiananmen protesters remain in prison.

The US House of Representatives passed a Bill this month threatening to restrict military sales to European countries that sell arms to China.

The measure would also bar the Pentagon from doing business for five years with any company that trades arms with China, which would be likely to push any European defence company to the wall.

France argues that the embargo has outlived substantial changes in Europe’s relationship with China and President Chirac has been arguing that it is ineffective in changing Chinese policy.

Human rights bodies have stepped up resistance to the ban being lifted. In its annual report last week, Amnesty praised the Chinese leadership for abolishing its “custody and repatriation” detention system but said that no significant attempt had been made to implement fundamental legal and institutional reforms.

Alison Roberts, director of the Free Tibet Campaign, said that lifting the embargo would be premature and that Tiananmen Square activists had recently been arrested over plans to mark the 15th anniversary on Friday.

“It is way too early to reward the new Chinese leadership with something as symbolically important as raising the arms embargo. They have not done enough yet,” she added.

ARMED MIGHT

ARMY 2.3 million troops; 44 infantry divisions; 7,000 battle tanks; 12,000 artillery guns; 300 helicopters

AIR FORCE 400,000 men; 1,380 fighter aircraft; 120 bombers (mainly obsolete); 300 attack aircraft

(中央社記者康世人台北二日電)國安局副局長黃磊今天在立法院答詢時表示，最近五、六年以來，共軍在東山島的演習已成為例行性演習，但目前還沒見到共軍大規模部隊調動。他強調，中共犯台是長期準備，但五二Ｏ後沒看到有突出的軍事活動，據情蒐了解，是中共對台的基調尚未統一。

五二Ｏ後的兩岸局勢，一直是各界關注焦點，最近香港媒體報導中共即將在東山島演習，中共外交部並罕見地對外證實，上午成為立法院國防委員會質詢焦點。

黃磊在答覆親民黨籍立委趙良燕、林郁方質詢時，證實國安局確實掌握共軍東山島演習情資，在最近的五、六年以來，共軍在東山島已成為例行性演習，大多在每年的七、八月份，演習期程看科目，但大致都達二、三個月，演習時間這麼長，主要是先進行海空合練、然後預演，最後演習，基調是三軍聯合登陸演習，歷次演習期程我方都掌握非常透徹。