這兩篇報導實在令人興奮，影響也很深遠，
也可以扭轉與導正美國與世界對於台灣的落伍觀感---
也就是忽視台灣人民的內心感覺。

現在，可以預期，這兩篇報導會讓美國智庫深深地
吃了一驚---台灣已經變化了，變的幅度可以讓以前的研究
報告可以丟到紙簍去了。

而國際必須接受新的事實----她們不得不然的民主常識與修養。
現在也就等著醞釀的變化，很多報告會以這兩篇內容為出發點。

我也期待台灣由被動的被報導轉換成主動的
介紹，而這種國際解釋權的爭奪需要專業人士。

華盛頓郵報由 Philip P. Pan 在台北發出的新聞稿，內容
算是很貼近台灣主流思想。

大約包括：

台灣新國家身分認同
認為自己是中國人，從1989年的52%掉到現在的19%；
認為自己是台灣人，從1989年的16%昇為62%。

政黨廣告與戲劇節目以台語(地方語言)播出，而以前是北京話為主。

汪笨湖節目的風潮。

教育政策的改變，歷史與地理的解釋變化，自我認同，文化等等..
。

最重要的一項觀察點：台灣認為自己已經獨立，不需要改變現狀，
這與美國與中國的想法迥異，因為這兩個國家不支持台灣宣佈獨立，
且深怕台灣獨立。

就這一點的想法，應該可以讓美國的智庫呼出一口氣，原來台灣根本
不需要追求獨立，而是已經站在獨立的位置上，尋找新的自我認同
與民主發展。

這有點像是戳破一個話題泡沫，由季辛吉集團與中南海所捏造的泡沫，
，她們一直壓制台灣，但台灣不需要隨風起舞地站在那個位置上，
等著對號入座。

她們已經是過去式，她們把台灣耍的團團轉的方式依然存在，
但已經開始減弱。

美國現在應該開始思考新的台灣政策，舊的季辛吉不能符合新的時代，
原因在於台灣人民發出了聲音，有了新的民意，而這個民意，國際
必須絕對尊重。

美國再不改變對台政策，傷害的是美國與亞洲國家的利益，
台灣民意絕不會轉向與被犧牲。美國維持現狀，就是讓自己與自己
的盟友陷入危機。

是的。

新聞周刊

根據中央社引述美國「新聞週刊」最近一期的國際版報導指出，在不到十年時間裡，台灣的民意已經有了一百八十度轉變，由原來傾向終歸會與中國統一轉向堅決維持獨立自主。

　這篇由中央社翻譯、以「從台灣總統選戰走勢看台灣民意走向」為題的報導指出，由於陳水扁總統推動公投的時間表和他競選總統連任的選戰聯結在一起，可能被視為有意刺激北京，再藉著人民對中共反應的不滿來鞏固其國內的選票。報導指出，公投問題觸及的層次可不只是選戰策略。

　報導指出，台灣人的自尊心正泉湧而出，人民不但視北京為週邊地區恃強凌弱的惡人，最近幾年對於一個中國政策的支持幾乎已經瓦解。一位在台北的西方外交官就指出，由公投立法到各黨都支持修憲，可以看出「在過去十二個月許多禁忌都被打破了」。

　報導指出，台灣的泛綠及泛藍陣營都採取受民意歡迎的議題。自九○年代就推動政治改革的民進黨領導的泛綠陣營持續推動建立一個陳水扁總統提出的「正常、完整且偉大的民主國家」。由國民黨領導的泛藍陣營則已經不再公開支持統一。

　「新聞週刊」報導說，泛藍的總統候選人連戰最近也表示支持大幅的憲法改革，而且在十一月間國民黨也成功讓其公投法版本在立法院通過。十二月下旬，兩黨分別通過不同的決議，呼籲中共撤除瞄準台灣的飛彈。

　中央研究院的政治學者朱雲漢接受該刊訪問時指出，國民黨希望展現它並沒有（傾向統一的）包袱。他認為，「台灣民族主義已經成為主流意識」。

　該刊報導說，不論中國選擇運用什麼策略，它都必須面對台灣轉變中的自我認知形象。

　「新聞週刊」引述政治大學自1992年以來就收集資訊所做的民意調查研究指出，過去十年以來，認為自己是「台灣人」的比例由17.3％增加到41.5％，這個比例和認為「自己既是台灣人也是中國人」的比例相仿；而認為自己「純粹只是中國人」的比例則由十年前的26.2％滑落到9.9％。

　報導指出，同一個民調也顯示，每當北京對台灣施加威脅時，台灣取向的思維更高漲，就像1996及2000年總統選舉時的情況。政大民調中心主任就指出，「事實上，（中共領導人）對台灣民意的影響力遠超出他們自己的認知」、「常常他們會落入與他們期盼恰恰相反的方向」。　

　「新聞週刊」說，公投讓法理上解除台灣與中國大陸關連的可能性埋下伏筆。一位年輕的國民黨學者談到修憲問題時就表示，「雖然我不應該這麼說，不過，民進黨運作公投議題的確高明。」　

　報導指出，兩大陣營的總統選戰已經熱烈開打。即使雙方都將對手形容成走偏鋒的極端者，台灣的中國政策都不會因為任何一方當選而有急遽改變。

-----------------------------------
華盛頓郵報

華盛頓郵報：台灣浮現新國家認同

〔中央社華盛頓二日電〕華盛頓郵報今天報導，台灣經歷五十年的自我治理和民主演化，民意出現重大變化，已然浮現新的國家認同，多數人已放棄與中國統一的想法，認為自己是獨立國家的國民，這對中國和美國都構成挑戰。

　 這篇發自台北的報導描寫了台北一班國小六年級學生對國家認同問題的反應。被問到有沒有人是中國人時，同學們發出咯咯的笑聲，互相交換困惑的眼神；被問到有沒有台灣人時，全部都舉起手來喊說：「我」。

　 報導指出，中國寄望用經濟吸住台灣，但台灣民族主義的興起可能讓中國的期望受挫，同時也強化北京方面用武派的立場；而這對美國總統布希也是問題，其政府承諾保衛台灣，但又擔心捲入經台灣刺激而引發的戰爭。　　

　 郵報報導，北京、華府和台北的官員都說他們主張維持台灣海峽現狀，問題是台北對現狀的定義不同於其他兩者。儘管中國和美國都警告台灣不要宣佈獨立，台灣人普遍認為台灣已經獨立，可以自由的舉辦公投、制定新憲法及採取其他中國反對的行動。

　 華盛頓郵報也引用聯合報十多年來民調的變化，說明一個世代下來，台灣民眾對自己的看法出現的根本變化，也就是多數或者接近多數的住民不再認同自己是中國人，而偏好自稱台灣人。

　 報導指出若干促成這種轉變的因素：中國的武力威脅反使很多台灣住民漸行漸遠；出生在大陸而對中國有最強烈情感的人漸漸凋零；民主改革讓人民有自由去質疑蔣中正版本的台灣史，民主改革也激發出新生的驕傲。

　 報導也指出，台灣文化活力最明顯的現象，或許是當年蔣中正的國民黨禁止在學校使用的閩南話，現在越來越普遍，年輕人用閩南話唱饒舌歌、所有主要政黨的政治人物都用閩南話發表競選演說、大部份的電視劇中也講閩南話。

　 這項報導概述了台灣的歷史，包括清朝割台後為期甚短的創建獨立的台灣民主國的行動、光復後的二二八事件、蔣中正政府遷台形成的新人口結構、戒嚴統治和對台灣意識的壓制，以及後來的民主運動。

　 華盛頓郵報引述五十歲的陳姓計程車司機的話，「小時候我知道有鄰居不見了，但我的父母那時候不敢談論白色恐怖。過去十年來聽競選演說，我才知道國民黨欺騙大家，也才知道我是台灣人，不是中國人。」

　 郵報報導，中國政治改變速度之慢，也使台灣漸行漸遠，高雄一黃姓漁民說，「我們為自由奮鬥了這麼多年，不是為了拿來送給北京。」中國經濟吸引了上千億美元的台灣資金，台灣民眾對與大陸經濟整合的感受是複雜的，有時候住在大陸和在那裡做生意反而加強了台灣民眾的分離感。一名工廠經理說，「我在中國賺錢，但我還是台灣人。」

　 該報引述國民黨蘇起的話說，台灣民眾內心自認是驕傲的台灣人，痛恨中國的欺嚇；但他們的頭腦知道要避免引發戰爭，因此沒有正式與大陸分離。

New National Identity Emerges in Taiwan
Culture Shifting Away From Mainland China
By Philip P. Pan
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday, January 2, 2004; Page A13

TAIPEI, Taiwan -- Like almost all adults in Taiwan, Li Chuan-hsin grew up convinced that he was Chinese, that Taiwan was part of China and that his government was destined to take back the mainland from the Communists. These lessons were drilled into him as a child in school, as a student in college and as a young soldier in Taiwans army.

But as a social studies teacher in Taipeis Xinpu National Elementary School, Li is passing on a different set of beliefs to his students. Ask the children in his sixth-grade class if any of them are Chinese, and they just giggle and trade puzzled looks. Ask which of them are Taiwanese, and they all shoot their arms into the air and shout, Me!

Textbooks that once covered only Chinese history and geography have been rewritten to focus more on Taiwan, and local dialects once banned in school are now the subject of weekly classes. Maps of Taiwan have replaced those of China, and portraits of Chiang Kai-shek, the nationalist leader who moved his government here after the Communist revolution of 1949, have disappeared from classrooms. The school even took down a sign telling students to behave like dignified and upstanding Chinese.

The changes in Lis classroom, and in schools across Taiwan, reflect a profound shift in public opinion on this island of 23 million, one that poses a challenge for both China and the United States. After more than half a century of self-rule and democratic evolution, most people here have abandoned Chiangs dream of unification with China and see themselves as citizens of a new, independent nation with its own culture and history.

We dont teach that Taiwan is part of China anymore, said Li, 48, a soft-spoken man who campaigned for the curriculum reforms. We emphasize that were Taiwanese now, and everybody accepts that.

This rise in Taiwanese nationalism could frustrate Chinas hopes of bringing Taiwan back into the fold by binding it to the mainlands booming economy, while strengthening the position of those in Beijing who want the military to seize the island. It is also a problem for the administration of President Bush, which has promised to defend Taiwan but is worried about getting dragged into a war provoked by Taiwanese actions.

Despite threats from Beijing and a direct rebuke by Bush, President Chen Shui-bian has refused to cancel a referendum in March, in which citizens will be asked whether Taiwan should publicly demand that China remove missiles aimed at the island.

Officials in Beijing, Washington and Taipei all say they support the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The problem is that Taipei defines the status quo differently than the others do. While China and the United States have warned Taiwan not to declare independence, Taiwanese generally believe the island is already independent, and thus free to hold referendums, write a new constitution and take other actions that China opposes.

In effect, the span of a generation has brought a fundamental change in how people in Taiwan view themselves. Though almost everyone here is ethnic Chinese and speaks Chinese, and the island is located only 100 miles from Chinas southeastern coastline, polls show that a majority or near-majority of residents refuse to identify themselves as Chinese, preferring the term Taiwanese instead.

A survey by the United Daily News in October, for example, found that 62 percent of respondents said they were Taiwanese, the highest level recorded by the newspaper since it began asking the question in 1989, when only 16 percent said they were Taiwanese. By comparison, those identifying themselves as Chinese dropped to 19 percent from a high of 52 percent in 1989.

Several factors are driving this transformation. Chinas military threats have alienated many residents. The population of islanders with the strongest ties to China -- those born on the mainland -- is aging and dying off. And democratic reforms have given people the freedom to question Chiangs version of Taiwanese history and have inspired new pride in the island.

Bookstores that once carried only a few volumes on the islands history now offer a wide selection of titles, often more than on Chinese history. There has been a revival of traditional Taiwanese opera and puppet theater, and Taiwans leading dance troupe uses themes about the islands early history in its performances. Interest in the islands non-Chinese aboriginal population has surged, and a novel about a 17th-century Chinese pirate considered Taiwans founding father was a bestseller last year.

As Taiwan has become more democratic, we have become more aware of our surroundings and our history, said Lin Mun-lee, chairwoman of Taiwans version of the National Endowment for the Arts. There has been an explosion of vitality in the development of Taiwanese culture.

Perhaps the most obvious sign of this is the growing use of Minnanese, the main local dialect, which Chiangs Nationalist Party banned in schools and restricted on radio and television to promote Chinas national language, Mandarin. Today, youngsters rap in Minnanese, politicians from all major parties deliver campaign speeches in it and characters in the most popular TV dramas speak it.

Last year, a writer named Wang Benhu launched Taiwans first talk show requiring guests to speak Minnanese, and it stunned the television industry by becoming the islands No. 1 talk show after only six months.

Wang attributes his success to his strong emphasis on Taiwanese identity and a pro-independence tilt. Before, the Taiwanese people didnt have a voice. . . . Now, they have a chance to speak out, he said in his studio in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a base of Taiwanese activism. Basically, this is the mainstream now, the heart of Taiwan.

Chinese migrants began settling Taiwan as early as the 15th century, joining aboriginal tribes. The island, about the size of Maryland, was governed only loosely, if at all, by Beijing between periods of Spanish and Dutch rule, but became a Chinese province in 1885. A decade later, the Qing Dynasty ceded it to Japan, prompting an early and short-lived attempt by islanders to establish an independent Taiwanese republic.

When the Japanese went home in defeat a half-century later, at the end of World War II, residents welcomed the return to Chinese rule. But Chiangs corrupt and authoritarian Nationalist administration soon alienated them from the mainland again. In 1947, in a massacre known as the February 28 Incident, Chiangs troops killed thousands of Taiwanese to crush a protest against the militarys abuse of an elderly woman.

Tensions continued when the Nationalists withdrew to Taiwan after the 1949 defeat and about 2 million refugees came with them. The island became divided between the majority people who trace their ancestry to the early Chinese settlers (today about 70 percent of the population) and the minority whose families arrived in the 1940s (about 15 percent). Ethnic Hakka and aboriginal groups make up the rest.

Chiang tried but failed to assimilate the local population, using martial law to enforce strict cultural policies and stifle any expression of Taiwanese identity. His policies helped sustain an underground pro-democracy movement. Jailed dissidents were widely viewed as Taiwanese heroes while the mainlanders who held almost all positions of power were seen as foreign occupiers. After martial law was lifted in 1987 and democratic reforms began, people openly debated Chiangs policies. Politicians competing in elections began appealing to native-born Taiwanese, who remain more supportive of independence than the Mandarin-speaking mainlanders.

As a child, I knew neighbors who just disappeared, but my parents didnt dare talk about the White Terror then, said Chen Yichun, 50, a cab driver in Taipei, using a popular term for Chiangs crackdown on dissent. Over the past 10 years, listening to campaign speeches, I realized the Nationalists had lied to all of us, and that Im Taiwanese, not Chinese.

By the mid-1990s, even the Nationalists endorsed Taiwanese identity. Lee Teng-hui, the first president born in Taiwan, coined the phrase new Taiwanese to include the mainlanders and their children, and began the school curriculum reforms, which deepened after Chens election. After China fired missiles near the island in 1996 to express anger with Lee, Taiwans shift toward a national identity separate from Beijing accelerated.

Today, residents often compare Taiwan to Singapore, the city-state in Southeast Asia that is dominated by ethnic Chinese but is independent of China. Others compare themselves to Americans -- who, they point out, speak English but dont consider themselves British.

I was born in Taiwan, I live in Taiwan and I speak a Taiwanese language, so of course Im Taiwanese, not Chinese, said Shu Shennan, 20, a business student in Kaohsiung. We have Chinese roots, but it would be weird if any of my friends said he was Chinese.

The glacial pace of political change in China has also alienated Taiwan, which will hold its third presidential election in March. Look what happened with SARS, said Huang Hongyan, 66, a retired fisherman in Kaohsiung, who blames Beijing for covering up the virus and allowing it to spread to Taiwan. We didnt fight for our freedoms for so many years just to surrender them to Beijing.

Chinas thriving economy has attracted as much as $100 billion in Taiwanese investment, and hundreds of thousands of Taiwanese reside at least part time on the mainland. But people here have mixed feelings about economic integration with the mainland, where average income levels are less than one-tenth of those in Taiwan. The experience of living and doing business on the mainland sometimes reinforces islanders feelings of separateness.

I make money in China, but Im still Taiwanese, said a factory manager, speaking on condition of anonymity. China is still too poor, too close-minded and too dirty.

Polls show that most Taiwanese would support independence if it could be achieved peacefully, but at the same time most also would accept unification if China and Taiwan became compatible economically, politically and socially.

Su Chi, a senior mainland affairs official in the Nationalist Party, said the people of Taiwan have a split personality: In their hearts, they are proud Taiwanese who resent Chinas bullying, but their heads keep them from making a formal break with the mainland that could start a war.

For China and the United States, the problem is that Taiwanese politicians prefer to appeal to voters hearts. The issue could decide the presidential election in March. Chen is pressing ahead with plans both to hold the referendum on the Chinese missiles alongside the presidential vote and to draft a new constitution, steps that officials in Beijing and Washington call provocative.

Zhang Dachun, a popular novelist in Taiwan who describes himself as Chinese, said Chen risks a backlash if he pushes too far. According to Zhang, many voters believe the president is fanning Taiwanese nationalism to distract voters from his poor performance in office. In some ways, Zhang said, Chen is no better than the Communists in Beijing who bluster about Taiwan because they rely on nationalism to stay in power.

These people who want to create a Greater China and these people who want Taiwanese independence, theyre both frightening, he said. Its ethnic extremism, and its dangerous.

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華盛頓郵報：台灣浮現新國家認同
http://news.yam.com/cna/international/news/200401/200401020326.html

敝人已經找到報導內容了

雖然外國人的報導不一定起眼 但很中肯 台灣的內部及世界看台灣 真的正在質變中

中國想用經濟吸住台灣是註定徒勞無功的！

一方面，中國的經濟根本不如他們對外所宣稱的那麼好，台商對中國的投資只是讓中國變成廉價品的代工廠，而無法成為消費市場，對台商以及大多數台灣人而言並不具有明顯的利益可圖。