蘇廿七、米格廿九 下月中在台展示

記者盧德允／台北報導】

據悉，民航局最近發公文至航管單位，指八月中台北航空展時，將有蘇廿七和米格廿九戰機來桃園中正機場公開展示。這將是共產國家主力戰機除早年投奔自由之外首次公開飛翔於台灣空域，轟動可期。

據了解，此事源起於國內一位與烏克蘭友好的張姓人士穿梭奔走，藉八月中旬台北舉行兩年一度國際航空展的機會，配合在桃園地區作戰機空中特技表演和性能展示。烏克蘭在蘇聯解體時獨立，軍事系統仍沿用前蘇聯裝備，與俄國大致相同，其空軍仍操作大量的蘇廿七和米格廿九戰機。

可靠消息來源說，交通部高層對此事大力支持，近日在民航單位邀集航管系統、經濟部航太小組、外貿協會等，召開過三、四次協調會，其中連烏克蘭戰機的空中特技表演科目分表、飛行計畫和進出台灣飛航情報區、防空識別區等細節，都逐日規畫妥當。飛機在地面時，將借用中正機場西側的國內和戰備機坪。

中共自俄國購進大批蘇廿七及首批改良型蘇卅，並在大陸生產，名為殲十一，係中共空軍和海軍航空兵的主力戰機，對我及日、韓等國構成威脅。八十四和八十五年兩次台海危機和八十八年「兩國論」危機以來，中共加強蘇廿七戰機遠程奔襲演訓，並以「出海」飛行和貼近「台海中線」為常事，已嚴重壓縮我海峽制空範圍，也是我空軍最忌憚的對手。

據了解，這位張姓人士年紀頗高，在國內航太圈子還不是熟客，他除要求航展單位出資贊助外，還尋求外貿協會和外交部金援。他對政府相關單位表示，隨著蘇廿七、米格廿九戰機來台，還可以請到烏克蘭「政府高層」到訪，在經貿之外更促進兩國政治外交關係。

主辦台北航空展的經濟部航太小組官員指出，本屆航展裡，主辦單位原本還規畫邀請烏克蘭空軍特技小組（與俄國特技小組一樣使用蘇廿七戰機）整隊來台表演，炒熱桃園的動態展示，但軍機大批來台須有長達半年以上的前置準備，因之前的國內ＳＡＲＳ疫情而取消。不過，航太小組不放棄，將力促明年邀請烏克蘭空軍來台。

記者盧德允／台北報導
民間人士將引進烏克蘭蘇廿七和米格廿九主力戰機於八月中旬進入台灣空域作特技表演，空軍總部高層昨晚表示不知情，如果飛機要進來，入境前兩三天必須由航管單位通知空軍戰管，以免發生識別問題和觸發錯誤警報。

經濟部航太小組主辦台北航太展，與東歐親近的民間人士動腦筋到烏克蘭，有些軍方人士不禁聯想，是否與空軍的台東聯隊第四十六「假想敵中隊」長期使用F-五E／F戰機，可能在不久將來換裝其他先進戰機有關。

空軍總部高層昨晚表示，民間引進這兩種先進戰機表演，的確很有促銷賣點，畢竟台灣民眾絕少有機會目睹它們的性能，不過空軍暫時不會考慮淘汰「假想敵中隊」的F-五，也不會如外界傳說要以經國號IDF或F-十六取代。

【2003/07/27 聯合報】

記者盧德允／台北報導

俄國蘇廿七戰機性能卓越，一問世即震撼歐美航空界，據知當年俄國曾向我空軍推銷，成立假想敵中隊，我方由前民航局長陳家儒和空戰英雄歐陽漪棻赴俄試飛，但終因後勤顧慮和擔心美國觀感而作罷。

早在民國八十年我國決定採購美製Ｆ十六和法國幻象二千戰機之前，俄國研製的蘇廿七一度有機會加入我空軍。但我方放棄後，中共大舉採用，如今變成我們的勁敵。

了解內情人士指出，當時蘇聯解體未久，經濟崩潰，俄國空軍維持吃力，要以一架一百萬美元的低價出售現役的蘇廿七戰機。陳家儒原是空軍中將副總司令，卸除民航局長職務後也無身分顧慮，與歐陽漪棻一同赴俄。歐陽漪棻回來說，俄國空軍房舍比國軍來台接收的舊日軍營房還破舊不堪，他們說得很清楚，「萬事只要錢，其他都好辦」。

陳家儒為此接受過本報訪問，對蘇廿七難度很高的特技動作「大榔頭」、垂直和水平方向的「包加契夫眼鏡蛇」，印象非常深刻，看法與歐美航空界一致，蘇廿七真是空戰利器。歐陽漪棻說，這種動作在空中纏鬥時真難應付。

兩人回來後，空軍曾認真研究過俄方提議，即先購進小批約四架，視狀況添到一個中隊，所有後勤人員俄方可以派遣，並保證後勤零件供應無虞，在台東作為「假想敵中隊」，訓練國軍實戰對抗能力，這種能力將領先全世界。但因政府對俄國政治態度沒有信心，且怕美國報復，最終打消這個計畫。

購買側衛為空軍主力或許並不符合政治考量，但作為假想敵及研究用途則相當恰當。主要的顧慮為維持小批戰機不易，但就美國及以色列的經驗而言還是很值得。可惜現在已來不及，獨立國家國協大多與中共維持相當密切的軍售關係，尤其俄國更不會因小失大的賣任何軍火給台灣。

隨著殲十及殲轟七逐漸開始大量服役，中共自製能力與航空工業發展對我國是一大威脅。不過單就本議題而言也是個契機，因為中共減少對外依賴也代表我方跟獨立國家國協接觸的機會提高。俄國已開始對中共的態度及技術優勢的減少感到不安。雖然短期內他們的關係不會有任何改變，台灣的長期佈局不能忽略任何可能性，南
韓跟俄國的軍火交易便是一個範例。

Glad to see you back again. Are you registered at DTM online? If not, Id recommend you to pay a visit. (http://61.219.142.242/cgi-bin/leoboard.cgi)

The RoCAF did consider seriously about buying Su-27 for the aggressor unit. That was in 1990, right before the falling apart of the USSR. The relationship between Taiwan and Russia was in the peak. As you can see, even with such a good relationship, the deal was not done, due to concerns from both sides, let alone nowadays.

上次光是中興航空公司租賃的Ka-32A11BC
聽航空公司人員說
引進時就費很大的功夫

我所知道的版本是 台灣民航局沒有能力作適航認證 所以就要求航空公司取得FAA認證　才放行
在美國FAA對俄系的飛機做適航認證要花很多＄＄＄還有時間
講到民航局的航空器設計製造適航驗中心　不要對這個機構的驗證能力抱持太大的期待
http://www.caa.gov.tw/files/org/law/law2.html

財團法人航空器設計製造適航驗中心設置辦法
第十二條　

本中心因故解散時，其賸餘財產依下列方式處理：

一、原設立基金應繳回民航事業作業基金。

二、其他財產經依法清算後，如有賸餘應捐贈政府有關機關（構）或本中心所在地地方政府。

一個政府機構在立法時就預設立場　有可能被解散掉　你就可以想見這個機構的專業能力有多麼的被看重！！

至於軍機　我想只要　烏克蘭還有台灣的政客點頭　大陸當成沒看見　用運輸機運來（ＡＮ－１２４maybe?)　法律層面的問題並不大　

（中央社記者張弘光莫斯科二十七日專電）烏克蘭共和國里沃夫機場今天有五千名群眾聚集，他們舉行盛大哀悼儀式。去年今天在當地舉行航空展，一架烏克蘭空軍蘇愷｜27在空中表演戰技，飛機失事墜入人群，造成七十七人死亡，一百六十人受傷的慘劇，烏克蘭空軍至今對此事未達成賠償。

今天出現在里沃夫機場哀悼的群眾，都是去年傷亡人士的親友與家屬，他們也是藉此聚會要向烏克蘭當局表達嚴重抗議。但是根據台北最新消息指出。在八月中旬台北航空展時，將有烏克蘭蘇愷廿七和米格廿九戰機往桃園中正機場公開展示。這兩項消息巧合碰在一起，引起莫斯科此間有關人士議論。

去年七月二十七日烏克蘭西部里沃夫機場舉行航空展，烏克蘭俄製的蘇愷｜27戰機在空中做特技表演，衝入人群造成慘重傷亡，當時兩名飛行員彈跳獲救，但被起訴判刑，烏克蘭空軍總司令為此下台，烏克蘭軍事法院對八名烏克蘭將領追究刑事責任，但是對傷亡賠償至今一直未處理。

如果真能來台展示

如果參展機是以空中加油的方式自行飛近中正進場台
空軍也可以藉此實際偵測蘇愷從遠距高空,
逐漸飛近降高度時的雷達反射特性變化.嘿..

猶有甚者
空軍應該想辦法趁機租用一段時間
將鳥克蘭的人機安排到志航
讓46中隊實際鑿戰蘇愷的蛇行雕手與法輪功
讓所有空軍一線機種都上去對抗一下
.
GOOD~GOOD~

http://us.f2.yahoofs.com/users/3f1c8756_16bc3/bc/Dayton2003/__hr_MiG29-1.jpg?bcBteJ_ApUq6nikF

說不定An-225 + Su-27 + MiG-29 + An-74 + An-140 + Ka-32 + Ka-50/52......

可參考此文﹕

Copyright 2003 British Broadcasting Corporation
BBC Monitoring Kiev Unit
Supplied by BBC Worldwide Monitoring

July 25, 2003, Friday

Dangers ahead for Ukraine in arms cooperation deal with Russia - site
烏克蘭跟俄國合作的潛在危機
Defense-Express web site, Kiev, in Russian 21 Jul 03

The recently signed Ukrainian-Russian agreement on coordinating arms sales to third countries will mean Ukraine supplying components and Russia selling the finished product, defence analyst Serhiy Zhurets has written. Hence, there will be an imbalance in profit levels, with Russia in effect eliminating Ukraine as an independent rival on the arms market, he said. Ukraine should look at alternative options, since tying itself to
Russia in this area will be a big millstone on its moves to join NATO, Zhurets
concluded. The following is the text of an article published by Ukrainian
Defense Express web site on 21 July; subheadings have been inserted editorially:

Ukraine and Russia have decided to set up an arms tandem. The prime ministers of the two countries signed an intergovernmental agreement on the results of the session of the Ukrainian- Russian mixed commission for issues of economic cooperation last week in Yalta, setting up cooperation in carrying out the export of military goods to third countries. What are the pros and cons of the decision?

Although it had been said both in Russia and Ukraine since 1997 that such an agreement was extremely necessary, its signing was postponed time and again. Russian officials time and again accused Ukraine that its special exporters were selling military goods from army arsenals similar to Russian goods, but at dumping prices. They said that such a policy harmed both parties. Total losses from dumping competition between the two
countries were assessed at a minimum of 200m dollars per annum.

Background to agreement

The period of reciprocal accusations ended on 21 December 2001, when a general agreement was signed in Moscow on cooperation between Ukrspetseksport, the state company for the export and import of goods and services of military and special designation, and the federal state unitary enterprise, Rosoboroneksport. The document envisaged carrying out a
coordinated marketing policy for exporting identical goods of a military designation, carrying out joint supplies to markets of third countries and organizing joint production of competitive weapons and military hardware and their further movement into markets of third countries.

After the signing it was optimistically asserted that Kiev and Moscow, on condition that they act together on the arms market and carry out a coordinated export policy, would be able to increase joint weapons exports to 15bn dollars. Such an agreement was signed between the two state enterprises in 2002. True, things have not yet reached the 15 joint billion dollars. According to last years results, Russia earned over
4bn dollars and Ukraine about 460m dollars from arms exports.

But an agreement between sellers is one thing, but between governments - another matter. A completely different ideology lay at the basis of its signing. To wit, it was the ideology of renewing coordinated links between defence enterprises. In February 2003, the first working conference in the past 10 years was held in Kiev between leaders of over 50 leading enterprises of Ukraine and Russia - designers and producers of military hardware and arms. It resulted in the signing of a protocol, whose main idea was to restore defence industry coordination on several principally important projects for both parties and to create the prerequisites for carrying out joint design work.

The defence industry staff were closely watched over by high military ranks and supervisors from Ukrspetseksport and Rosvooruzheniye. It was stated at the conference that the time of old weapons inherited from the USSR had already virtually passed. And in the current situation, when realistically only the USA can independently create new combat systems and introduce the latest scientific developments and designs, while production of effective combat systems for their own armed forces was under threat, it is
precisely a deepening of interstate coordination between the defence industries of
Ukraine and Russia that can ensure an elimination of the rupture of developments and production of the latest models of weaponry. This new thing has to be done together. Ukraine and Russia have an approximate 80 per cent interest in each other, the weapons chief and deputy defence minister of Russia, Gen Aleksey Moskovskiy said at the time.

On 7 March there was a session in Moscow of the mixed Ukrainian- Russian cooperation commission, where they discussed the future of coordination links in the defence industry complex. Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov asserted there that the creation in the Russian Federation of new production facilities for military hardware components involved
enormous spending, although such production facilities exist in Ukraine. Nonetheless, in implementing the new weapons programme, Russia is faced with taking a fundamental decision: do we have the means, and how effective will investments be in creating a whole production complex on Russian territory, or should we strengthen production coordination on new types of military hardware. In Kasyanovs opinion, the adoption of a final decision in this area will be connected with the level of integration of the economies of Russia and Ukraine, and on whether Russia will be confident that in five years, even in a complex situation, it will be able to receive the hardware that it needs. In other words, Moscow wants to be sure that Ukraines declared course of joining NATO is not a threat to long-term military and technical projects.

Implications of new agreement

In his turn, the state secretary of the Ukrainian Industrial Policy Ministry, Valeriy Kazakov, said in an interview with the Defense Express agency that intergovernmental agreements had been concluded between the two countries on issues of coordination in manufacturing defence products and an interaction mechanism had been set up. At the same time, there was no document regulating relations at the stage of marketing the goods. Now, in July 2003, there is such an agreement. What now?

It is the conviction of the well-known Ukrainian analyst on security matters, Hryhoriy Perepelytsya that Russias interest in military and technical integration with Ukraine is basically in those areas where Ukrainian developments are extremely competitive. This affects the organization of joint production of such types of weapons as air defence
systems and devices, radar, radio intelligence and radio electronic warfare and high accuracy weapons. Moreover, the Ukrainian defence industry, in the analysts view, is viewed by Russia as a means of lowering the cost of its military goods by reducing the cost of coordination supplies.

In their relations with the Russian defence industry complex, Ukrainian enterprises are acting as suppliers of components, while the finished manufacture of weapons and hardware and sales of it belong to Russia. This leads to a disproportion in levels of profit for Ukrainian and Russian defence enterprises in the latters favour. Ukrainian suppliers of
components are essentially subsidizing Russian producers of finished defence goods, working at the expense of their own reserves and not having the prospects and financial resources for technological renewal of their production capabilities. And military and industrial coordination allows Russia to eliminate Ukraine as a rival on world arms markets, depriving it of independence in the sale of military hardware on those markets.

CIS military cooperation programme

Russian representatives prefer not to talk about Ukrainian independence in those issues which focus on integration questions. The already mentioned chief Russian weapons expert, Gen Aleksey Moskovskiy, asserted that since 1996, at the initiative of the CIS military technical committee, a programme of military and technical cooperation has been developed for defence ministries of the commonwealth. Ukraine, as we know, did not take part in these undertakings. But last year the CIS heads of state examined the programme. And the Ukrainian president Leonid Kuchma - although Ukraine is not a member of the programme - also signed the decisions by heads of state in November 2002, thereby politically joining the document. In such conditions, the programme of military and technical cooperation within the CIS will be further developed. And there will be a special Ukrainian section in it. If that happens, - and I think that it will - then thanks to the programme, will we have a simplified mechanism of cooperation with Ukraine in this area.

Among other things, the programme envisages supplies of Russian arms to CIS countries at internal production prices. True, only in the interests of the armed forces of the user country, without re-export rights. Is it worth explaining that such supplies are a Trojan horse gift? They give the purchaser no alternative and long-term military technical cooperation precisely with Russia. Second, the programme is directed at further strengthening coordination links and carrying out joint research work to develop new weapons. Third, it is a question of modernization of the military hardware and arms available in those countries. And lastly, and most importantly, the programme was specifically developed for participants in the CIS Collective Security Treaty.

Having accepted the Russian-style rules of the game and having convinced Moscow of its loyalty, Kiev is risking paying a high price for military and technical dividends, even in the medium-term prospect. First, it is Utopian to hope that the Ukrainian defence industry complex will survive by means of resuscitating old coordination links with Russia. After all, realistically speaking, in its cooperation with Ukraine, Russia cannot
withstand the temptation of double standards. Moscow embarked long ago on a course of creating closed production cycles of contemporary weapons on its territory, and if it carries out joint research work with someone, then it is in accordance with Russian priority directions and serial production of the finished product is organized precisely in Russia. Second, a close link between Ukraines defence industry complex and Russia will complicate Kievs room for manoeuvre in the Euroatlantic direction.

Ukraine should consider alternatives

But even if the situation is shaping up like this at present, it would not hurt the Ukrainian side to look at alternative options. From the viewpoint of further ensuring Ukraines interests in the process of integration into Euroatlantic structures, it is extremely important for Kiev to finds forms and methods that will take account of the possibility of participation by the Ukrainian defence industry complex in international coordination and promote a strengthening of Euroatlantic contacts. Formally, such aims
were enshrined in sections of the Ukraine-NATO 2003 special purpose plan, regarding restructuring of the defence industry complex. But these aims themselves are of a fairly declarative nature. In particular, after carrying out a defence analysis that will be completed not earlier than the middle of 2004, the creation of an action plan is envisaged to restructure defence capabilities in accordance with new challenges for the national security system and renew documents defining Ukraines cooperation with NATO in the area of armaments.

What can be taken into consideration in these documents? Kiev must start the procedure of getting Ukraine into the system of NATO cataloguing. At present, the alliances common register contains 16m units of catalogued equipment and 35m spares. This makes it possible to define reciprocal replacement of spares parts. Cooperation with NATO will consist of getting models of Ukrainian arms to comply with codes generally accepted in the world community. This will allow any user in any part of the world precisely to identify the required spare part for an item, its manufacturer and its shortest order time. The use of NATO cataloguing became a necessary condition for progress on the international military goods market. There is already a certain amount of experience in cataloguing export models of (?ViVT), including to NATO countries. They include Zubr assault hovercraft ships, which Ukraine has supplied to Greece.

Cooperation with NATO

Ukraines potential makes it possible for Kiev to start dialogue with leading Western European countries on Ukrainian participation in creating a pan-European space detection system, telecommunications and space monitoring. It is extremely important for Ukraine to determine the most economically acceptable ways of acquiring American and Western European arms and military hardware on a leasing basis with the introduction of the
most effective offset schemes in contacts with possible supplier countries in these issues. Most likely, in the medium term, this may affect fighter planes or combat helicopters. Such a decision should be taken into consideration in the state programme to develop arms and military hardware till 2015. This decision is naturally more political for Kiev, as it is for NATO. But this path has been trodden by all the new members of the
North Atlantic alliance. Otherwise, the lack of an alternative to military and technical cooperation and weapon friendship between Russia and Ukraine will be an even bigger millstone on Kievs path to NATO than the Russian Black Sea Fleet based in Crimea.

郵政劃撥：
中華民國直昇機發展協會
帳號18290009

還不賴

對了 若來台 飛機升空後 會不會偷拍我國的軍事設施與周遭地形呢?

http://fe40.udn.com/yamnews/MEDIA/1477791-601212.jpg
據傳瑞典有意搭烏克蘭便車，派JAS-39鉤喙獸戰機來台表演；它外型頗似中共下一代主力戰機殲十，軍方分析可能是針對我假想敵換機需求而來。
本報資料照片╱記者盧德允攝影

據悉，交通部民航單位前天發文主辦烏克蘭蘇廿七和米格廿九戰機來台表演的業主，要求最遲今天提出授權證明和財務計畫，才能繼續協助規畫八月中旬在桃園的公開展示活動。

本報日前報導民間楊姓人士穿梭奔走並獲交通部高層支持，打算於八月中旬台北航太展推出烏克蘭蘇廿七和米格廿九戰機特技表演，引起關注。據知國防部和空軍總部接到很多詢問電話，苦於應付，因活動與軍方無關，他們也不知道詳情。

據了解，主辦業主提出的計畫是從八月十二日起數天在桃園中正機場附近空域舉行空中特技表演，地面靜態展示位置在中正機場戰備或國內線機坪，採收費入場，門票新台幣五百元以上。

如果安排順利，將是共產國家主力戰機除了投奔自由外首次公開飛翔於台灣空域。蘇廿七系列戰機是目前俄國研製並服役的最先進戰機，也是中共現在和未來廿年的空中主力。

消息來源透露，瑞典外事單位透過管道表示，如果烏克蘭戰機成行，他們也可以派出主力 JAS-39 鉤喙獸戰機來台。鉤喙獸性能大約與我經國號ＩＤＦ同級，但外型採用前小翼和三角主翼設計，反而類似中共成都飛機公司研發中的下一代多用途主力戰機殲十。軍方人士分析，瑞典出口武器到台灣可能性低，但外國人推銷手法是打形象和不放過任何機會，或許他們看準不久後我空軍假想敵換機需求。

可靠消息指出，日前交通部為此在民航單位邀集航管系統、經濟部航太小組、外貿協會等，召開過三、四次協調會，討論到空中特技表演科目分表、飛行計畫和進出台灣航路和識別等細節。但此事經媒體曝光後，招來太多關注，航太界人士有人質疑，邀戰機大老遠來台表演，費用從何而來？

http://udn.com/NEWS/NATIONAL/NAT1/1480054.shtml

記者盧德允／台北報導

雖然中共強烈關切，烏克蘭仍堅持將該國空軍蘇廿七、米格廿九戰機和兩型商用機送到台灣參加台北航太展，公開向「鄰近可能買主」展示。烏國政府要員會隨機前來，同時在台北開設商務辦事處，開展兩國非正式外交關係。

參與舉辦人士昨天指出，大陸從報紙看到消息，十分緊張，不但經由外交管道直接向烏克蘭政府表達不樂見的態度，且還接到大陸方面直接打電話找到我們，詢問此活動籌備進度，「真是神通廣大」。

由於蘇廿七是中共最先進戰機，我方空軍以往曾經計畫租購作為假想敵機，此番它首次來台，如果我空軍有興趣「實際了解」飛行性能，這位人士說，「可以商量，但飛行員最好不要穿軍服上機」。

這位人士說，烏克蘭是著眼於亞太地區有三個極有興趣的買主，但又還不到請他們去烏克蘭的程度，所以藉台北航太展多國買主群集機會，邀集買方來台看看。

據表示，烏克蘭以開展亞太地區商機為由，向中共表示此活動為純商業，堅持按原計畫進行。

烏克蘭與中共有正式外交關係，在台則尚未設辦事處。我外交部於前蘇聯體系內，只於俄國與白俄羅斯設立辦事處，於烏克蘭則僅聘請一位當地人作連絡員。

這兩種俄製主力戰機來台展示，敏感性太高，經費需求也大，原本國內航太業者毫不看好。但在民間人士和烏克蘭喀爾客夫飛機公司遠東總代理、及我國直升機發展協會共同推動，在交通部民航局大力支持下，堪稱「共產世界空軍王牌」的蘇廿七和米格廿九戰機，確定可以來台，預定本月十日運抵桃園中正機場，十二日至十四日在中正機場向買主公開展示，並開放國人參觀，門票五百元。

據指出，活動時間表和預售門票已登入外貿協會「台北航太展」的網頁，預定十二日到十四日共五個場次，在桃園中正機場國內線場站管制區展示。展示兩種戰機為蘇廿七和米格廿九艦載型，只有地面靜態展示，還有烏克蘭參加今年巴黎航展機隊：AN-74TK200短場起降運輸機、AN-140區間客機機型作空中性能展演，還有AN-74TK-300商務私人VIP型機現場展示參觀。

>>> 按照威脅性來講南韓,日本,台灣都有

亞洲可能的買主我猜是﹕
印度、馬來西亞、北韓、巴基斯坦、印尼、越南

不過這些國家跟台灣的關係都普普，怎麼看都覺得報導那句是隨便講講而已。

>>> 那美航艦戰鬥群可能會常常經過東部海域............

昨天俄羅斯已經先搶到了馬來西亞的訂單，看樣子烏克蘭和俄羅斯在亞洲的軍火生意計競爭會越來越白熱化！

俄羅斯藉售戰機予馬來西亞攻佔東南亞市場
2003-08-06 06:58／中央社記者張弘光莫斯科五日專電

（中央社記者張弘光莫斯科五日專電）「蒲亭到馬來西亞賣飛機」，這是今天俄羅斯消息報國際版頭條新聞的標題，有俄羅斯總統蒲亭為打開軍工產業身先士卒的意味。據此間國際觀察家透露，這次賣十八架蘇愷-30MK到馬來西亞，對俄製戰機打入東南亞市場有極大的經濟戰略意義。
由於馬來西亞方面的期待，與蒲亭對這份十八架蘇愷- 30MK價值九億七千八百萬美元合同的高度重視。讓蒲亭在百忙中到馬來西亞訪問為此合約背書。

根據這項合約，俄羅斯要在五年內提供十八架蘇愷-30MK給馬來西亞。據俄羅斯蘇愷-30MK製造廠蘇霍伊代表指出，這批飛機是多功能戰鬥機，最大的特點是其內部軟體係依馬來西亞需要「量身打造」。與俄羅斯賣給中國及印度的同型機有差異，性能比美國製的F-16好。

俄羅斯根據此合約，除了要幫馬來西亞訓練種子飛行員外，還要在馬來西亞設立飛機維修廠。協助定期保養維修。

俄羅斯媒體指出，俄羅斯蘇霍伊飛機製造廠運用這次元首訪問，為俄製戰機塑造價廉物美售後服務形象。

由於東南亞地區過去一直是美國武器主要銷售市場，這次俄羅斯蘇愷-30MK能賣到馬來西亞，馬來西亞總理馬哈地扮演重要角色，因此蒲亭總統今天特別頒勳章給他。

俄羅斯媒體並以M博士來推崇馬哈地在馬來西亞主政二十年，將馬國從落後走上高度文明，是亞洲著名元老政治家。由於馬哈地在不結盟國家中有很大的影響力。這次蒲亭藉由蘇愷戰機買賣與馬哈地建立了良好互動關係。920805

http://news.pchome.com.tw/internation/cna/20030806/index-20030806065828180018.html

F15應該還算是不錯的戰鬥機，特別是F-15E還算是相當先進的戰機，目前全世界也只有少數幾個國家用得起這樣的戰機，台灣空軍很需要能夠進行空中纏鬥的戰機，如果短期內得不到F-22的話，F-15是不錯的選擇！

千真萬確.前些時候載於自由時報.
沒庫存舊報紙舉證我所說的.不過時間會證明一切的.

七日自由時報有一篇文章提到,

>>對付中共影像衛星之偵察，只能以消極的手段對付，例如算出衛星通過台灣上空的時間，將軍事設施予以掩蔽等，通常這種手段雙方都已經知之甚詳，彼此也都知道要怎樣去防範。

換言之, 人造衛星之外的其它情報管道, 也是很重要的.

自以為是地排除對手可能的蒐情手法, 只會讓自己陷入危險而不自知.

俄軍情局長最喜歡這種自以為是的對手了.^^

全文請見:
http://www.libertytimes.com.tw/2003/new/aug/7/today-o1.htm

中國蒐集台灣情報 無孔不入 ☉陳國銘

中科院洩密的案件，帶給我們幾點省思。

　 情報有三種主要的類型：第一種是影像情報（IMAGINT），例如以偵察飛機、影像衛星所蒐集到的情報；第二種是訊跡情報（SIGINT），例如截聽站或是各種截聽飛機、軍艦所截收到的情報；最後一種是人力情報（HUMINT），也就是我們所熟悉用間諜所收集到的情報。

　東森新聞╱綜合報導

中共對台的間諜活動時有所聞，不過，最近台灣卻錯失了窺探中共主力戰機的機會，台北航太大展原本向烏克蘭方面商借了蘇愷27與米格29要在台灣展出。不過由於這兩型戰機都是中共主力機種，疑似在消息曝光後引起中共嚴重關切，以致戰機出借計畫受阻，整個展覽活動也臨時取消。

7月底有消息指出，8月中台北航空展舉行時，將有烏克蘭空軍的蘇愷27和米格29戰機前往桃園中正機場公開展示，交通部還和民航單位邀集航管系統、經濟部航太小組、外貿協會等開過多次協調會，並準備借用中正機場西側的國內和戰備機坪進行性能展示。消息一出，立刻引發軍事迷的關注。

蘇愷27是前蘇聯研發出來的單座雙發動機全天候空優重型戰鬥機，針對F-15,16所設計的，最大航程4千公里，速度可達2.35馬赫，主要用於防空、護航及海域巡邏，具有機動敏捷滯空時間長的特點，還可以進行視距外作戰。

至於米格29戰機則是一架具有高自動化的機種，機載雷達可以同時追蹤10個目標，速度可達2.3馬赫，屬於攔截機種，能在苛刻天候與電子干擾的環境中摧毀200公尺到60公里範圍內的空中目標。

這2型國人較陌生的戰機，原本在中華民國直昇機發展協會向烏克蘭商借下，原本預計在10日由AN-124運輸機運到中正機場，並在12日正式與國人見面。

這項史無前例的展出，除了可以滿足軍事迷的好奇心，還可以讓台灣軍方有機會一窺中共主力戰機的真面貌，外界也解讀為空軍台東聯隊第46「假想敵中隊」可能將換裝其他先進戰機，取代現役的F-5戰機，而前共產國家的主力機種是很好的考量之一。

In any case, I understand that RoCAF already know the major points about the former in previous secret trips made to Eastern Europe -- the latter (MiG-29) is of somewhat less interest (unless RoCAF really set up a new aggressor unit) as it is not operated by the PLAAF.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
熾獸 　於　2003/07/27 04:06
蘇廿七、米格廿九 下月中在台展示

(轉貼自聯合新聞網)http://udn.com/NEWS/NATIONAL/NAT1/1470042.shtml
蘇廿七、米格廿九 下月中在台展示

記者盧德允／台北報導】

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The important part may be in political breakthroughs and strengthening relationships (in a win-win situation) which is more difficult nowadays.

在拜訪該協會的同時並詢問活動承辦人員，此一展示活動為什麼或突然叫停。承辦人員表示，當初是安排Su-33與MiG-29K來台展示，An-140區間客機及兩款An-74運輸機也會前來展示，為了要吸引航空迷的注意，故說是Su-27S與MiG-29K來台，實際上是Su-33。烏克蘭方面也同時知會中華人民共和國外交部，中華人民共和國方面也默許烏克蘭的作法。

活動承辦人員還表示由於“U報社”的記者亂寫，還寫到承辦經費有問題上，以及和烏克蘭「軍機外交」，於是引來國內外許多媒體的關切，而此一不實又聳動的消息，輾轉傳到中華人民共和國外交部耳中，因此引起中華人民共和國外交部抗議，烏克蘭方面多方考量下，於是決定不派機來台參與此動態展示活動，並透過我國外交部告知中華民國直昇機發展協會，整個動態展示計劃於是在8月9日喊停。

承辦人員表示，這次活動的經費完全是由中華民國直昇機發展協會，場租費用則由入場券收入來彌補。然而因計劃告吹，不只烏克蘭的戰機不能來，連帶使得那三架不太敏感的商用機也無法來台展示，撐撐沒有烏克蘭戰機的場面。而之前增印的特刊與海報，更是無從消化起。

網友可向該協會索取海報，該協會已開始受理退款，特刊則是以nt$99元賠本出售。